Blog dedicated to reporting on Mexican drug cartels
on the border line between the US and Mexico
.

Tuesday, September 28, 2010

State Police Arsenal Raided in Chihuahua City

CHIHUAHUA, Chihuahua – Around 02:00 on the morning of Monday, September 27, at least 6 men dressed in CIPOL state police uniforms with tactical gear & riding in a white Dodge Ram entered the State Security Complex (CIPOL compound) & raided the arsenal.

The group entered by the main (south) entrance. They first took control of the radio room. In the process, they disarmed 5 guards & handcuffed their hands & feet (one news source said it was 2 police & 3 security guards).

The commando then entered the arsenal after breaking 2 locks to get through the steel doors. They took 43 H&K G36 assault rifles (.223 caliber), 26 9mm pistols, bulletproof vests & grenades.

They left the way they came with no resistance. Official reports admitted there was insufficient security for the complex.

It was also apparent from how the commando conducted their operation that they knew how to enter the complex, how to access the radio room & where the arsenal was located.

Authorities are reviewing security cam videos to learn more about the perpetrators.

Agents from the State Attorney General's office (PGJE) arrested the officers who were guarding the CIPOL facilities when the raid occurred. The main reason for the arrests was to investigate why the the officers did not take any action to repel the attack.

Several days ago unknown assailants entered a garage where several CIPOL vehicles were located and destroyed them. No suspects have been arrested in that incident.

[Sources: La Omnia, La Opcion, El Tiempo, El Pueblo]

Monday, September 27, 2010

Los Zetas Cell Leader Arrested in Cancun

Mexican Army forces have detained José Ángel Fernández de Lara Díaz, alias El Pelon, who was the leader of Los Zetas in the state of Quintana Roo, and whose base of operations was Cancun. The office of the Secretary of National Defense (SEDENA) released a statement that indicated the arrest of El Pelon occurred this past Friday Sept 24th as part of an ongoing operation in the area against drug trafficking.

Fernández de Lara confessed to being a member of Los Zetas and since July of this year the leader the cartel, Heriberto Lazcano, alias El Lazca, named him as the one responsible for drug trafficking, human smuggling, and kidnapping in the southern state of Mexico.

El Pelon has admitted that his group also extorted all kinds of businesses such as nightclubs, restaurants, casinos, spas, hotels and tour guides. The proceeds of these activites were used to fund the war against the Gulf cartel in the north part of the country.

Fernández de Lara also admitted to taking part the incendiary attack on the Castillo del Mar bar on the 13th of August along with another sicario alias El Humm, an order handed down from a regional Zeta chief Lucio Hernández Lechuga, alias El Lucky for failure to pay protection money.

Along with EL Pelon, the army detained three members of his cell, among them Jorge Alberto Contreras Hernández, alias El Gordo or Conta, who was in charge of administrative duties and communications. Also found was $143,000 dollars, communications equipment and four vehicles.

Source La Jornada,

Reporters Suffer in Mexican Mayhem

HE was 21, a photojournalist, shot several times at close range in broad daylight. His colleague, an 18-year-old intern, was wounded.

By: Matthew Clayfield
The Australian
Luis Carlos Santiago Orozco and Carlos Manuel Sanchez Colunga were parked in a shopping centre carpark when the bullets hit them. Santiago, who had only been working at the paper for two weeks, died soon after. It was September 16, and Mexico had celebrated its Bicentenary of Independence the night before.

On Sunday, when Santiago was buried, the newspaper he worked for, El Diario de Juarez, ran the usual image of the country's flag alongside its masthead. On that day, however, the flag was dripping with blood.

"Que quieren de nosotros?" the headline asked. "What do they want from us?"

No suspects had been named in the case and no one had taken responsibility for the shooting. A Chihuahua state attorney's office spokesman claimed the murder was not related to Santiago's journalistic work, but rather to "a personal problem", a line heard before in relation to such cases.

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But there was no question who it was the paper's headline referred to when it said "they".

What followed was a passionate and highly unorthodox open letter from the paper's editorial staff to Ciudad Juarez's rival drug cartels, which are jostling, with bloody results, for control of the infamous border city's coveted drug trafficking routes into the US. Juarez, Mexico's most dangerous city, borders El Paso, one of the safest in the US.

"We don't want to see more dead," the open letter read. "We don't want to see more wounded nor do we want to be intimidated. It is impossible for us to do our job under these conditions."

It has been impossible for quite some time. That the most remarkable thing about the murder of Santiago was not the brazen manner in which it took place, but rather the paper's subsequent editorial, is telling.

In Juarez, where between eight and 12 killings are recorded every day -- this is, for many people's money, the murder capital of the world -- and where the bicentenary celebrations were cancelled in case the cartels tried anything, a brazenly committed murder is unremarkable. For that matter, so is a dead journalist.

Indeed, not only was Santiago not the first journalist to be killed in Juarez, he wasn't even the first from El Diario. In 2008, the paper's crime reporter, Armando Rodrguez, was gunned down in his driveway while preparing to take his daughter to school. Two prosecutors investigating the case were later killed within a month of each other. None of these murders has been solved.

The carnage is not limited to Juarez either. In July this year, Hugo Alfredo Olivera Cartas, the editor of El Diem, a small paper in the western state of Michoacan, was found sitting in his pick-up truck one summer morning with three bullets in his head.

The death of Santiago brings the number of Mexican journalists killed this year to nine. Chillingly, with over three months left of the year, last year's deadly total of eight bodies has already been surpassed.

The US-based Committee to Protect Journalists released a report this month dealing with the impact of the drug wars on the country's journalists and press freedom. The conclusions reached were as negative as the journalistic death toll was high.

"Twenty-two journalists have been murdered since President Felipe Calderon Hinojosa took office in December 2006, at least eight in direct reprisal for reporting on crime and corruption," says the report, Silence or Death in Mexico's Press.

"Three media support workers have been slain and at least seven other journalists have gone missing during this period. In addition, dozens of journalists have been attacked, kidnapped or forced into exile."

The report also details the more subtle -- which is to say, less bloody -- effects of the drug wars on the country's press. Primary and most insidious among these is the culture of self-censorship that has arisen, with numerous newspapers, as well as radio and television stations, flatly refusing to cover drug-related violence, either as a result of cartel bribes or else without any prompting at all.

In February, The Dallas Morning News reported that more than 200 people had been killed in the border city of Reynosa as Los Zetas, a northeastern cartel, did battle with their former bosses, the Gulf Cartel, for control of the state of Tamaulipas. Not a word of this was so much as mentioned in the local press, which Los Zetas more or less controls. Forget bribes. The allure of not being beheaded on videotape can often be currency enough in such matters.

Threats from Narcos Force Mexican Mayors to Live in U.S.

15 mayors have been killed since President Felipe Calderon declared war on Mexico’s drug cartels shortly after taking office in December 2006 including the murder of the mayor of Santiago, Nuevo Leon, Edelmiro Cavazos.

Several Mexican mayors have been forced to move to the United States for reasons of personal and family safety in the face of threats from drug traffickers and the killings of 10 mayors this year in Mexico.

Mayors from the northern border states of Tamaulipas, Chihuahua and Nuevo Leon have moved to the United States, with some taking up residence in that country permanently and others splitting their time between U.S. and Mexican residences, municipal officials said.

The mayors of at least six border cities in the northeastern state of Tamaulipas have been forced to move to neighboring Texas.

“The advantage for them is that they cross the Rio Bravo (Rio Grande) and they are in their city hall or their home,” an official of the ruling National Action Party, or PAN, said on condition of anonymity.

Most of the mayors use nondescript vehicles to avoid drawing attention to themselves and do not drive long distances, the official said.

Another large group of mayors from Tamaulipas decided to abandon their cities in the last year of their terms and hide out in other places in Mexico, where drug-related violence has surged since the start of this year.

Two of them left their communities and govern “with the telephone in their hand,” the PAN official said.

“The case of the mayors is not restricted to the PAN. Mayors from the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) have also had to take measures to protect their security,” the official said.

The PAN refused to run candidates in the last municipal elections in some cities where organized crime groups have extensive control.

The threats are continuous in some cases, while the criminals go beyond threats in other cases.

A mayor in Nuevo Leon state was murdered last week and another was seriously wounded in Chihuahua state.

Five mayors have been murdered in the past six weeks, with a total of 10 killed this year.

About 15 mayors have been killed since President Felipe Calderon declared war on Mexico’s drug cartels shortly after taking office in December 2006.

Chihuahua, one of the country’s most dangerous states, is home to Ciudad Juarez, Mexico’s murder capital.

Some mayors from Chihuahua have decided to live in El Paso, Texas, which is just across the border from Juarez, crossing daily to work, municipal officials said.

The situation has also worsened in Nuevo Leon, where Doctor Gonzalez Mayor Prisciliano Rodriguez was murdered last Thursday, a month after Santiago Mayor Edelmiro Cavazos was killed.

Crime has surged in some cities in Nuevo Leon and people are moving to other parts of Mexico and the United States, a state legislator said on condition of anonymity.

Drug cartels threaten officials to keep them from interfering with their criminal activities.

Many of the cities have only between two and five patrol cars for the average of 30 police officers on the payroll, and officers have few firearms to take on criminals, officials said.

Some high-level officials and their families have also been forced to flee to the United States.

Baja California state’s public safety secretary and the director of the Tijuana police department, as well as some officers, were forced to send their families away for their own safety.

Tijuana Mayor Jorge Ramos said the goal was to allow the officials to fight criminals during their terms in office, which end in late November.

Why Mexico is not the new Colombia when it comes to Drug Cartels

A press member walks over signs depicting missing or dead journalists during a protest against violence in Mexico City, Aug. 7. Photo by: Marco Ugarte, Associated Press, Sept. 25, 2010.

by Ken Ellingwood,
Los Angeles Times

Car bombs. Political assassinations. Battlefield-style skirmishes between soldiers and heavily armed adversaries.

Across big stretches of Mexico, deepening drug-war mayhem is challenging the authority of the state and the underpinnings of democracy. Powerful cartels in effect hold entire regions under their thumb. They extort money from businesses, meddle in politics and kill with an impunity that mocks the government's ability to impose law and order.

The slaying of a gubernatorial candidate near the Texas border this year was the most stunning example of how the narco-traffickers warp Mexican politics. Mayors are elected, often with the backing of drug lords, and then killed when they get in the way.

Journalists are targets too. After a young photographer was gunned down in Ciudad Juarez Sept. 17, his newspaper, El Diario de Juarez, issued a plaintive appeal to the cartels in a front-page editorial. "We ask you to explain what you want from us," the newspaper said. "You are at this time the de facto authorities in this city because the legal authorities have not been able to stop our colleagues from falling."

As the death toll from drug-related violence nears 30,000 in four years, the impression that Mexico is losing control over big chunks of territory — the northern states of Tamaulipas, Chihuahua, Nuevo Leon and Durango at the top of this list — is prompting comparisons with the Colombia of years past. Under the combined onslaught of drug kingpins and leftist guerrillas, the South American country appeared to be in danger of collapse.

The Colombia comparison, long fodder for parlor debates in Mexico, gained new energy this month when Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said the tactics of Mexican cartels looked increasingly like those of a Colombia-style "insurgency," which the U.S. helped fight with a military and social assistance program known as Plan Colombia that cost more than $7 billion.

But is Mexico the new Colombia? As the Obama administration debates what course to take on Mexico, finding the right fix depends on getting the right diagnosis.

Clinton cited the need for a regional "equivalent" of Plan Colombia. After 10 years, the rebels' grip in Colombia has been reduced from more than a third of the country to less than a fifth. Violence is down and, with improved security, the economy is booming. However, tons of cocaine are still being produced and there have been widespread human rights abuses.

Clinton acknowledged that the program had "problems" — but said that it had worked. Irked Mexican officials dismissed Clinton's Colombia comparison as sloppy history and tartly offered that the only common thread was drug consumption in the United States. And while the two cases share broad-brush similarities, there also are important distinctions, including Mexico's profound sensitivity to outside interference.

Here is a breakdown of the two experiences:

The Nature of the Foe
Colombia's main leftist rebels, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, known as the FARC, waged war in the name of Marxist ideology, calling for an overthrow of the traditional ruling oligarchy. Separately, the country faced a campaign of violence by drug cartels. To fund the insurgency, the rebels first took a cut from coca producers and traffickers – and then starting running their own drug labs and forming partnerships with the traffickers.

In contrast, the main aim of Mexican drug gangs is to move merchandise without interference from authorities. In many places, traffickers manipulate governors and mayors — and the police they control. Their ability to bully and extort has given them a form of power that resembles parallel rule.

But the goal is cash, not sovereignty. Drug lords don't want to collect trash, run schools or pave the streets. And very often, the violence the gangs unleash is directed against each other, not the government.

Mexico also is a much bigger country. While its social inequities are glaring, there is no sign of a broad-based rebel movement with which traffickers could join hands.

"We've got a criminal problem, not a guerrilla problem," said Bruce Bagley, who chairs the international studies department at the University of Miami in Coral Gables. "The drug lords don't want to take over. They want to be left alone. They want a state that's pliable and porous."

Territory
At the peak of Colombia's insurgency, the FARC controlled a large part of the country, including a Switzerland-size chunk with defined borders ceded to it by the government as a demilitarized zone known as the despeje, or clearing.

Mexico's drug gangs have relied on killing and intimidation tactics to challenge government control over large swaths by erasing a sense of law and order.

In the border state of Tamaulipas, a gubernatorial candidate who was heavily favored to win a July election was gunned down less than a week before the vote. Violence in neighboring Nuevo Leon state prompted the U.S. State Department last month to direct employees to remove their children from the city of Monterrey, a critically important and affluent industrial center.

In Clinton's words, U.S. officials worry about a "drug-trafficking threat that is in some cases morphing into, or making common cause with, what we would consider an insurgency."

But there are no borders defining any drug cartel's domain, making it difficult, even within regions, to say how much of the country lies outside effective government control on any given day. There is no force that appears anywhere near capable of toppling the government and, so far, no zone the Mexican army cannot reach when it wants.

Instead, cartel control is more fluid. It is measured in the extent to which residents stay indoors at night to avoid roving gunmen; the degree to which Mexican news media steer away from covering crime so they don't anger the trafficking groups.

The sense of siege hopscotches across Mexico like windblown fire across a landscape.

Sunday, September 26, 2010

American Zeta in U.S. Custody


















A 23 year old U.S citizen and alleged Los Zetas gang member, Joseph Allen Garcia, was arrested in the border city of Reynosa, Mexico, this Thursday night and expelled within hours to the U.S. to face multiple charges in Texas of murder, attempted murder, aggravated assault, possession of marijuana and a federal charge of unlawful flight to avoid prosecution.

The suspect was arrested by Tamaulipas state investigative police with the help of intelligence shared by Texas authorities. After being expelled by Mexican authorities Garcia was taken into custody Friday morning by U.S. Marshals in Hidalgo County, across the Rio Grande from Reynosa.

Hours later Garcia was escorted in a convoy under heavy security by Federal authorities and Webb County deputy sheriffs to Laredo, Texas, where he faces the numerous charges listed above.

According to federal authorities the suspect is a cartel hit man for Los Zetas in Mexico and also works for the Mexican Mafia prison based gang in the Rio Grande Valley of Texas.

Garcia's criminal career began in 2003 in Laredo, Texas, at the age of 16 when he gunned down 4 other youths with an AK-47, killing one and wounding the other three. After becoming a fugitive in 2005 he is thought to have entered the drug trafficking underworld in Mexico.

The importance of this arrest is highlighted by the fact that Garcia had been on the U.S. Marshals’ list of their Top 15 most wanted fugitives since 2008.

Garcia’s role with Los Zetas and the Mexican Mafia also highlights the growing links between Mexico’s drug cartels and U.S. street and prison based gangs. Working directly with drug cartels and dealing at the wholesale bulk level has allowed the Texas gangs, and gangs in the other Southwest border states, to accumulate more power and money.

This union has led to an increasing dominance of Mexico’s cartels over U.S. distribution networks for their products. In addition to the money, the relationship has also put the fear of God in many U.S. based gangsters according to Emil Garza, a gang expert for the Texas Department of Criminal Justice.

“The cartels don't play by traditional rules about peace treaties between gangsters or not killing families, “said Garza “These guys get a lot of pressure from the drug cartels themselves to take care of business. There are no questions asked.”

There have been more than a few stories of hard-core U.S. prison gang members scrambling for their lives to escape a cartel after having drugs or cash seized by police.

“Right now that is one of the biggest dynamics law enforcement is trying to deal with — all bets are off when you are dealing with a drug cartel,” he said. “Some of our domestic groups are scared of them.”





Sources used for this story:

LaredoBuzz.com:
http://laredobuzz.com/2010/09/webb-county-sheriff%e2%80%99s-office-captures-one-of-the-nation%e2%80%99s-top-15-most-wanted-murder-suspect/

ValleyCentral.com:
http://www.valleycentral.com/news/story.aspx?id=516762

U.S. Marshal's service report:
http://www.rightsidenews.com/2010092511740/us/homeland-security/us-marshals-service-report-sept-10-24-2010.html

Texas gangs news:
http://www.gangs187.com/Texas_Gangs.pdf

Saturday, September 25, 2010

Sinaloa cartel leader gunned down

Los Mochis, Sinaloa – Reyes Castro Molina, the alleged assassin of corrido singer Sergio Vega aka EL Shaka, was gunned down yesterday along with two other people on a farm known as “Baceran” in Obregón, Sonora .

The name Castro Molina, age 48 has appeared in different narco messages hung from bridges in the city and the surrounding region, presumably by his rivals. The last one threatening him was found with the two young men who were found dismembered and stashed in coolers that were left on the side of the road in Sinaloa de Leyva the other night.

The catalyst to his downfall was a crime that was committed a few days ago in which five youths were kidnapped from a house in colonia Rubén Jaramillo, among the victims were two brothers Arturo and Germán Martínez Castro, who were nephews of Rey Castro. They were killed near a farm in Álamos, Sonora. It has been said that this was the beginning of a manhunt during the last days of Rey Castro's life.

The Events

Rey Castro was found dead yesterday at 9:00 am at the previously mentioned farm along with two other people who were with him at the time to work on the construction of a hen house. Using the element of surprise, several gunmen approached with stealth and began shooting with high powered assault rifles. Rey Castro ran and at the same time fired back with a semi-automatic pistol he was carrying until he was hit with an AK-47 round.

Also among the dead was Pablo Rodríguez Quintero who was there to help with the construction of the hen house. Their bodis were found about 50 to 100 meters apart. The other dead man was Manuel Zing, 23 years old and was a resident of colonia La Estrella in Cócorit. This man was apperantly at the farm 'Baceran' looking for legitimate work. The gumen who surprised Rey Castro and his companions did so by approaching and leaving the farm on foot. Their vehicles were found about 100 meters from the crime scene.

The Evidence.





































Officers found dozens of spent AK-47 shell casings, 3 trucks including a tractor and a dump truck. It is suspected that there were who people were working nearby who could hear the gunfire but they ran off to avoid becoming victims themselves. Agents of the Public Ministry took possession of the bodies and evidence for further investigation.

These are some of the narco messages found before his death.






















'Nacho' Coronel's successor captured in Jalisco

Federal Police have arrested presumed narcotrafficker Margarito Soto Reyes, alias El Tigre who is one of the suspected leaders of the Sinaloa cartel and successor to Ignacio Coronel, alias Nacho Coronel. The office of the Secretary for Public Security (SSP) say his duties included planning the transportation and financial logistics for the exportation of several tons of various drugs to the United States on a monthly basis. Eight other suspects were also arrested and found to be in possession of several synthetic substances, a late model car and truck, an AK-47 assault rifle along with spare ammunition, radios, a computer along with other communication equipment, and an undisclosed sum of cash.


Names of the suspects: Juan Pedro Mora Mora, Martín Terrazas Leyva, Frederick Figueroa Gómez, Hilarión Díaz Rosas, Maximino Martínez Sánchez, María Luisa Meza Rodríguez, María Engracia Santos Núñez and Elías Meza Martínez.


The office of the SSP says after the fall of Nacho Coronel during a gunfight with the Mexican Army this past June, there was a restructuring within the ranks of the Sinaloa cartel which resulted in El Tigre being given control of a smuggling route known as 'Pacifico Sur' and transported mainly base chemicals to make synthetic drugs (most likely methamphetamine), to many states in Mexico and other countries in central and South America.


It was a collaboration and the sharing of intelligence between Mexican and American customs and border authorities that brought down Soto Reyes. The suspects and evidence are currently being held by the office of the Sub-prosecutor for the Investigation of Organized Crime (SIEDO).



Sources: La Jornado, El Diario

Friday, September 24, 2010

Gunfight leaves leader of sicarios for "La Barbie" dead


















At least seven men have died during an armed confrontation, among them was a person identified as El Polo, considered to be the leader of a cell of sicarios loyal to Edgar Valdez Villarreal, a.k.a. La Barbie, a known drug lord in the area. La Barbie was fighting a bitter war against his former ally, Hector Beltran Leyva alias El H for control of the plaza of Acapulco at the time of his arrest.

Initial reports indicate that around 4:00 pm in Cuidad Renacimiento, a group of men dressed in fatigues similar to those worn by the Mexican Marines pulled up to the safe house where the sicarios had been staying and proceeded to open fire with large caliber weapons. The whole incident lasted twenty minutes.


























Four bodies were found in the living room, amon
g them a man who appeared to a former comandante for the Ministry of Police and was later identified as Leopoldo Candelario Carmon, El Polo. The former officer had recently taken over duties after the previous lieutenant for La Barbie, Gamaliel Aguirre Tavira, El Guero Huetamo was arrested.














Outside the house a man's body lay in the street riddled with bullets. Two others died en route to the hospital according to officials. Soldiers from the 56th infantry battalion detained four local police officers who were interrogated for not reporting to the crime scene during the firefight, which provoked panic and disorder in the nearby business district. This incident occurred only hours after the headless bodies of two men were found in a car, also in Acapulco. In that incident the victims had been killed for allegedly running guns for Nicazaio Arizendi, El Cacho, known associate of Hector Beltran Leyva.

More bodies found in Sinaloa.

The mutilated bodies and heads of two young men were found in three separate coolers in the state of Sinaloa today. They were discovered with a narco message on a dirt road just outside the town of Las Tatemas, about a kilometer from a municipal police station.

One of the dead men has been identified as Juan Carlos Elizea Leyva, 28 years old and was the son of a local transit officer. The other victim has yet to be identified.

The two large coolers held the bodies and a message that was scrawled on a piece of paper. The message was directed at various people who have previously been found executed in a similar fashion.

The small red cooler next to them contained the heads of the victims. According to the medical examiner's report, there were no bullet wounds to indicate they had died before being dismembered.

Elizea Leyva was kidnapped around 10:00 pm by various men in wearing black army uniforms, heavily armed from inside a small cell phone store he owned in the town of Estacion Naranjo. Around the same time another group is suspected to have carried out the abduction of the second, unidentified victim.

Another Mayor slain in Nuevo Leon

By MARK WALSH
(AP)
MONTERREY, Mexico — Gunmen killed a town mayor near the drug-plagued industrial city of Monterrey, authorities said Friday, the fourth mayor in northern Mexico to be murdered in little more than a month.

Prisciliano Rodriguez Salinas was gunned down late Thursday as he was leaving his house with a personal employee in the town of Doctor Gonzalez, about 30 miles (50 kilometers) east of Monterrey, the Nuevo Leon state Attorney General's Office said.

The employee, Eliseo Lopez Riojas, who was picking up equipment from the mayor's house, was also killed when gunmen in a white car waiting outside started firing. Investigators found 19 shells from two different weapons at the scene. The mayor was shot seven times.

Drug gangs warring for territory and smuggling routes in northern Mexico have increasingly targeted political figures in the region, though the attorney general said aspects of Rodriguez's killing were uncharacteristic of gangs.

"The act, in terms of waiting for the mayor outside his house ... is not a very common tactic for organized crime," state Attorney General Alejandro Garza y Garza said. "So we're not ruling out any line of investigation."

Garza y Garza said he was unaware of any threats against the mayor. Town clerk Reinaldo Campos also told The Associated Press that he knew of no threats.

Soldiers guard the crime scene where Prisciliano Rodriguez, mayor of the Doctor Gonzalez municipality, was shot dead by gunmen at his ranch 50 kilometers, some 31 miles, east of Monterrey, northern Mexico, Thursday Sept. 23, 2010. Rodriguez is the fourth mayor in northern Mexico to be murdered in little more than a month. (AP Photo/Carlos Jasso).

Police officers from the town were taken to Monterrey for questioning about the killings, though Garza y Garza said none were under arrest.

Hermenegildo Linares Robledo, assistant to the town clerk, said normal activities at the town hall had been suspended and confirmed that state police were patrolling the streets, though there were no soldiers in view.

"There are very few people in the streets," he told the AP. "Right now the mood is tense and quiet."

Nuevo Leon Gov. Rodrigo Medina said that his administration "will not be intimidated, that we do not give in."

President Felipe Calderon condemned the attack and sent his condolences to the family as his government reiterated its commitment to the security of all Mexicans. The government has attributed the spike in violence in the border states of Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas to a breakup between the Gulf and Zetas cartels.

Monterrey-area mayor Edelmiro Cavazos was kidnapped in August and his body dumped three days later. Seven police officers who authorities said were paid monthly salaries by the Zetas were arrested in connection with that killing.

12 Myths of the War Against the Drug Cartels. Part 2

by Joaquin Villalobos, international conflict resolution consultant and former member of the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front of El Salvador

Today we present part 2 of Joaquin Villalobos's analysis of, in his words, 12 inacccurate points of view, or "myths", that are held by critics of Mexico's war against organized crime.

Although readers may not agree with some or all of the author's conclusions, his analytical approach is a model we can all utilize to study and explain Mexico's current situation.

A link to the original Spanish language version of this article is at the end of this post.















7. "First we need to eradicate corruption and poverty"

In many studies, addressing and reducing corruption and poverty are activities that are considered prerequisites for resolving the insecurity generated by drug trafficking. This myth is based on a correct approach to counter the effects of drug trafficking: the problem of insecurity requires comprehensive plans that address all facets of the problem, from the use of force by the state to the care of social issues that contribute to security.

However, in a state of extreme emergency that some states in Mexico are undergoing, should we implement in advance programs that tackle poverty and corruption as preconditions for having a safe environment or should we tackle insecurity first since improving safety now is the most important issue for most citizens?

When looking at problems of security the balance between prevention and repression of crime depends on the situation. It is an error to base the equation on ideological beliefs i.e. the right will give priority to repressive police methods and the left will give priority to prevention through social intervention. The priority of what actions are taken must be determined by reality, not a political position.

There is no territorial or social relationship between poverty and drug trafficking. Drug trafficking is a crime of greed which recruits the poor, but that depends primarily on the geographic advantages of routes and areas with potential for production and trafficking.

The distribution networks for drug pushing are clearly based in the geography of urban poverty, but not drug trafficking. The geography of strategic locations for drug trafficking is the reason that the problem is worse on Mexico’s northern border, and not because poverty is concentrated there.

Furthermore, there is no direct relationship between poverty and insecurity. Nicaragua is the second poorest country in the continent and the third most secure; India’s standard of living is vastly lower than the U.S. but the crime rate is generally higher in the U.S.; look at how the huge social spending for the poor by Chavez in Venezuela goes hand in hand with the worsening insecurity for the poorest citizens in the country.

Moreover, the nature of political corruption and drug trafficking are totally different, the first may open the door to the second, but political corruption does not usually carry the risk of violence and death, which is present with drug-related corruption. The rule of "silver or lead" that always ends in "lead or lead" is part of the three principles of drug trafficking action: violence, crime and death. A corrupt politician wants to get rich, but not die.

Clearly the culture of corruption is useful to drug traffickers, but political corruption and the dynamics of cooptation, control, violence and death imposed by the drug dealers are not the same thing, since they respond to completely different logic. It is naive to expect that to improve security in the short term it is necessary to implement a complete ethical reconstruction that will end the culture of corruption that was gestated in Latin America over hundreds of years ago.

The main debate is where do we start in an emergency? In that sense, you can enter an area dominated by mafia powers with "Mother Teresa" social care plans but you are not likely to encounter public participation in areas where drug trafficking has frightened society.

First, we need to regain control by state forces and break the power of the cartels to coerce thru the use of threats and intimidation, which is the center of gravity of the problem. In Medellin, the war was won by the State 10 years ago, and has so far seen the successful results of comprehensive plans, with full participation and cultural changes in the neighborhoods where once Pablo Escobar ruled.

8. “Behind drug trafficking are powerful politicians and businessmen "

This myth is based on conspiracy theories with no consideration for context or history, and which are almost always the result of speculation. Such theories feed telenovelas, movies and literature for entertainment, but they are repeated so often that they end up becoming truth that becomes universal, without verification.

Many Americans believe in the cultural myth that assumes "all Mexicans are corrupt and the authorities are all drug bosses" and this is propagated in Hollywood. In contrast, some Mexicans think "that the drug business is managed from Wall Street." These arguments are easy to believe and spread even without rational foundation.

Drug trafficking usually originates from the activities of smugglers of the lower middle class with little education; they build their organizations from family groups as a way to ensure loyalty ("the family"), and recruit socially down. Their organizations have violence and death as a way of settling all conflicts (personal, market, family and authorities), because their activities are not legal and therefore they can not use the courts and laws.

The extreme punishments and deaths are their only instruments of "justice." When they become financially stronger they expand socially and then begin to intimidate, subdue or use public officials and/or businessmen. They first co-opt police until the State’s coercive power is eliminated, then they continue with the judiciary, the press, politicians and economic interests.

In this process they end up on top of the social pyramid with the most power, and with the means to exercise that power through violence and murder. This happened in Colombia, in Chicago in the thirties, in Italy for decades, and this has happened in Michoacan, Sinaloa, Tamaulipas, and so on.

The nature of a businessman or a politician is different and incompatible with the Mafia. That the latter may conform to the former is feasible but that the first may become the second is not sensible; though there are some isolated cases, this is not the rule. Levels of penetration by business and political elites into the Mafia in Italy have occurred after many decades of Mafia power, but in Mexico the criminal phenomenon of drug traffickers is comparatively young.


















9. "The only way out is to negotiate with drug traffickers"

Two Arrested in Murder of Journalist

Two suspects in the November 2008 slaying of journalist Armando Rodriguez Carreon were arrested, the Mexican Attorney General’s Office said Thursday.

Hugo Valenzuela Castañeda and another suspect identified only as “El 7” were detained by army troops in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico’s murder capital, which lies just across the border from El Paso, Texas.

The AG’s office said Valenzuela admitted belonging to La Linea, a gang that acts as enforcers for the Juarez drug cartel.

Another member of La Linea, the late Jose Antonio Acosta, is suspected of having ordered the murder of Rodriguez, a reporter for El Diario de Juarez newspaper.

The suspects told interrogators the journalist was slain “for doing many news stories against La Linea,” the AG’s office said Thursday.

The Mexican government announced Wednesday a plan to boost security for journalists following the murders of 11 news professionals so far this year.

That announcement came nearly a week after Luis Carlos Santiago, a 21-year-old El Diario de Juarez news photographer, was killed and colleague Carlos Sanchez badly wounded in an attack that bore the hallmarks of a professional hit.

El Diario caused a stir last weekend by calling on drug traffickers operating in Juarez, where gangland violence has claimed more than 8,300 lives since December 2006, to let journalists know exactly what they are allowed to report.

Sixty-five journalists have been slain since 2000 in Mexico, according to the independent National Human Rights Commission.

Fugitive Politician Eludes Cops to Take Seat in Mexican Congress

A Mexican politician wanted since May 2009 on charges of colluding with drug traffickers was sworn-in Thursday as a member of the lower house of Congress.

“Around midday, the president of the leadership of the Chamber of Deputies, Jorge Carlos Ramirez Marin, administered the oath to Julio Cesar Godoy Toscano as federal deputy for the 1st Electoral District of the state of Michoacan,” the house said in a statement.

Ramirez Marin noted during Thursday’s session that Godoy recently obtained a court order reinstating his political rights, which had been suspended pursuant to the filing of federal charges against him.

The newly seated lawmaker, who is the half-brother of Michoacan Gov. Leonel Godoy, told reporters he entered Congress through “the main door,” apparently eluding the Federal Police said to be waiting to arrest him.

Julio Godoy, an attorney, said he would represent himself in the criminal case.

Though he now enjoys parliamentary immunity and cannot be arrested, the congressman said he would voluntarily appear before judicial authorities if asked.

Godoy, a member of the center-left PRD, won his seat in Congress in the elections of July 5, 2009, but did not appear at the following month’s opening of the legislative session.

The warrant for his arrest was issued at the same time as the detention of 28 mayors and other local officials in the western state of Michoacan on suspicion of ties to drug cartels.

Fifteen of the 28 were subsequently released without charge.

Recently, a district court in Michoacan threw out the charges against Julio Godoy, but the federal Attorney General’s Office refused to withdraw the warrant for his arrest.

PRD lawmaker Carlos Navarrete told RadioFormula it was “very regrettable” that the AG’s office relies on “unsupportable facts” to prosecute “honest Mexicans.”

“It’s the case with Julio Cesar Godoy,” Navarrete said of his colleague. “After a year ... there are no elements, arguments nor convincing evidence.”

Thursday, September 23, 2010

The Writing on the Wall

Narco banners that were hung in the state of Sinaloa today accused mayor Fernando Garcia Hernandez of allowing ex-municipal chief of police German Ceniceros to operate a kidnapping and extortion ring with impunity in the town of Navolato.

The message claims this group of kidnappers is responsible for several murders in the area and has the full support of the local police, who allow them to come and go as they please.

The banners indicate that the calls for help often fall on “deaf ears” and the local authorities protect the former police chief, who is being escorted by a detail of officers from the office of the Director of Public Security for the Munipality. It goes further to give the patrol numbers of the officers who serve as his personal bodyguards. Authorities in the area claim they are investigating the matter.

Update on La Linea banner

Two commanders and one high level official for the office of the Secretary of Public Security (SSP) are under investigation for protecting groups of sicarios from the Sinaloa cartel who are operating in Cuidad Juarez according to an article that appeared on the news website La Jornada yesterday.

Authorities claim this is the culmination of several months of intelligence work involving various agencies including the SSP, elements of the Assistant Attorney General for Special Investigations and Organized Crime (SIEDO), and the Office of the General Prosecutor (PGR).

According to sources, the investigators have evidence that at least two of the officers received money from the Sinaloa cartel to facilitate murders and executions committed by cells of sicarios operating in Juarez. SSP and SIEDO officials have are also looking into allegations that an important functionary of the SSP in Chihuahua - whose name was not revealed in the briefing - had strong personal ties with a top drug lord – whose name also wasn't revealed.

On the 18th of September a banner was found accusing several elements of the federal police of in Ciudad Juarez of corruption and seemed to claim responsibility for the murder of a photographer near the offices of El Diaro. The message also threatens to attack police by name.

“The same thing that happened to the journalists will happen to you if we don't get the money back”

The officers mentioned are federal agents.

“Commandante Diaz Savedra, Commisario Pavon, Commandante Aries, the same thing that happened to the journalists will happen to you if we don't get the money back. You guys are no better than Mayer Resendiz"
- La Linea

La Linea is the armed wing of the Juarez Cartel which has been at war for some time with the El Chapo and the Sinaloa cartel. It has been rumored that the city police are mainly loyal to La Linea while the federal police and the army may have ties with El Chapo.

Another message appeared the next day claiming that a rival cartel had hung the banner and that La Linea does not kill journalists.