Gringo Drug Cartel: The Criminal Network in the U.S. That Nobody Wants to See

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 

Today, I have the privilege—the honor—of sharing this table with one of the journalists I admire most, and who is, moreover, a true master in many respects. And setting aside that praise—which might sound like flattery, though I say it with all my heart—Jesús Esquivel is perhaps one of the most knowledgeable experts regarding the relationship between Mexico and the United States in matters of security. Furthermore, for undertaking the project he just completed—*Los Cárteles Gringos* (The Gringo Cartels)—is no small feat.

Yes, we talk about El Chapo; yes, we talk about Ovidio; yes, we talk about El Mayo; yes, we talk about El Mencho, and La Familia Michoacana, and whomever else you might care to name. But it’s true: there are "Gringo cartels." And these Gringo cartels operate, and they bribe, and they generate significant problems—yet it’s a subject that hardly anyone wants to discuss.

Jesús, it is an honor to have you in this space. I say that with the utmost admiration. Congratulations on the book. How are you? Very well, Luis. Thank you so much for the invitation. Listen, you’re making quite a splash with this book. Why focus on the Gringo cartels? Do they, too, bear a significant share of the responsibility?

Well, yes—because, first of all, this work serves as an update to a previous book of mine, *Los Narcos Gringos* (The Gringo Narcos), which was published nearly ten years ago. At that time, these groups lacked the structure, the logistical capabilities, and the organization they possess today. Back then—and this was indeed true—they functioned merely as intermediaries for the distribution and sale of drugs within the United States. However, the emergence of manufactured opioids—specifically those containing fentanyl—fundamentally transformed the market; and not just the market itself, but also the entire infrastructure involved in the movement of narcotics.

Consequently, within the United States—after years of these groups working primarily on behalf of Mexican cartels (and doing so without any true loyalty, simply selling their services to the highest bidder—pure capitalism, essentially)—they came to realize the pressing need—the absolute urgency—to become more independent and to evolve into distinct, self-contained entities capable of generating greater profits. Moreover, this arrangement also suits the Mexican cartels well, given the risks they face in the United States—specifically, the risk of being arrested or having their operational cells dismantled. The reality is nothing like the picture painted by the Department of Justice—the notion that the United States is being "invaded" by representatives of Mexican cartels—as is implied in the annual drug threat assessment maps they publish.

This raises a logical question: Well, if they have these individuals located and identified within the United States, why don't they arrest them? The fact is, they *do* arrest them. What is actually happening here is that the U.S. government itself recognized this situation; consequently, an initiative was established within the Department of Justice—specifically by the DEA—to combat *domestic* cartels.

That is the term they used. The "cartel" label wasn't my invention; *they* were the ones who applied the "cartel" label to motorcycle clubs. Okay? And to gang members—who are the individuals that actually make up these cartels, Luis. In other words, we’re talking about a scenario where Mexican cartels transport the product into the United States, but once it arrives, a *separate* infrastructure takes over to determine how it will be distributed and what will be done with it—an infrastructure that no longer answers directly to the cartels in Sinaloa or Jalisco.

Let me give you an example—that is, perhaps a cartel dominates a certain part of the United States, but its dominance consists merely of delivering the product there; the actual distribution, sales, and profits then belong to a different cartel. It doesn't even go beyond a specific point—just to the southern border, right up to the frontier—and from there on out, they're on their own.

Think of it like a corporate delivery service: a company ships products to vendors in a marketplace, and those vendors take charge of distributing and managing the goods. It’s not like it used to be. Nowadays, the shipment arrives at the border, and these other cartels—let's put it this way so the audience understands—buy it in bulk: say, a ton of synthetic drugs.

"You deliver it to this specific point on the border"—says the Mexican cartel—"and you have a specific timeframe in which to pay me." "Okay." The group purchasing the shipment then takes responsibility for the transport, distribution, and sales; for setting the price; for laundering the money; and for paying the Mexican cartel the agreed-upon amount.

And they end up keeping the entire, massive profit for themselves. As you can see, this entails far less risk for the Mexican cartels—groups that have always managed to stay one step ahead of the authorities. So, who is actually more dangerous at this particular juncture? After all, the Mexican cartels are currently being singled out—even by Homeland Security—amid fears that they’re about to start deploying drones to kill Americans, or that they’re planning an invasion—as if we’re surely going to march in waving the flag of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel!

But tell me—based on your research and the testimonies you’ve gathered (particularly those from DEA agents, who revealed a great deal to you)—who are the truly dangerous ones? I mean, they have guns over there, too; they carry out executions over there, too; and people are dying every single day over there, just the same.

The trouble is that the media—specifically the major news outlets—don't attach any significance to these incidents because they remain stuck in the mindset that this is merely "street violence." But if they were to investigate the victims—and, more importantly, the perpetrators—they would begin to uncover the underlying connections: *Which group did the victim belong to? Which motorcycle club?* Who killed him? Which gang was he from?

Now, the major difference remains that, over there, there isn't a single capo commanding a group—say, a motorcycle club or a street gang—because they operate through a sort of branching structure; they have various chapters or clubs that all fall under the same "patch," so to speak. Take the Hells Angels, for instance: they have a presence across the entire United States, yet there is no single, overarching boss.

In every city—in every state—where this motorcycle club has a chapter, they have their own president and vice president. The famous Hells Angels, right? They operate independently, though they know of one another; crucially, however, they don’t answer to a single supreme leader, and that makes them far more sophisticated. Why? Because if there *were* a single boss for the Hells Angels across the entire U.S., it would be incredibly easy to identify him—you’d simply go straight to him and "cut off the head of the snake."

In this case, however, you’re dealing with *many* snakes—all of whom happen to wear the same jersey. Let’s put it in soccer terms: it’s as if the Hells Angels chapter in Fresno were competing—in a sense—against the Hells Angels chapter in Atlanta. Sure, they might compete, but they aren't enemies—at least, not unless they start stealing from one another.

Their true enemies are the *other* motorcycle clubs operating throughout the country. You mentioned the DEA. John Callery was the chief—the man in charge of the initiative specifically designed to combat domestic cartels. He was allocated a budget; he was assigned agents; the entire operation was approved by the U.S. Congress.

It wasn't a secret; the information was right there in the public record. The media either failed to notice it, or—if they *did* notice—they simply chose to ignore it. Do you see what I mean? After all, even John Callery himself has stated that the White House was fully aware of this situation—and that the vast majority—the *overwhelming* majority—of these domestic cartels are comprised of white men.

Yes, exactly. You either don't want to touch them, or you want to let them grow—up to a certain point, anyway. But where exactly do you draw the line? Because—let me ask you this, since you bring it up in the book—how much do the "Gringo cartels" earn in comparison to the Mexican cartels, in terms of billions of dollars?

I mean, in that regard, I do believe the Mexican cartels remain the more powerful force, don't they? They allow us to grow only up to a certain point—depending, of course, on how one chooses to crunch the numbers. Right. Because there are so many players involved in the United States that, for the cartels, that country remains the ultimate market, doesn't it?

And as I was saying—take the Jalisco Cartel, for instance: they tell their partners, "You hand over this specific quantity to me in exchange for this." Of course, the buyers then mark up the price—sometimes tripling it—to cover transportation, logistics, and all those associated costs. But it isn't just a single cartel that pockets those profits; the money gets distributed—it’s parceled out. When you add it all up, it’s essentially a free market, isn't it?

Pure capitalism. Pure capitalism. Exactly. I mean, the sums involved are absolutely stratospheric. Now, that said, there are far too many tentacles of corruption involved, because the buyers have to pay the Mexican cartels in cash. They are the ones who "bring down the money"—as the saying goes in the jargon of the drug trade.

They are the ones laundering it through U.S. banks and financial institutions—institutions that are involved; of course they are involved in the remittance trade. That is the key. But here in Mexico, bringing up the subject of remittances to the government touches a raw nerve, because they don't want to admit it—and mind you, I’m not claiming that *all* remittances come from drug trafficking; there are legitimate remittances, too.

Yes, a portion certainly does—and we don't know just how large that portion is. The key—and the complicated part—is that you can make as many transfers as you want in a single day—as many as you’re able to, or as many as your funds allow—up to $10,000 each time, without U.S. banks ever asking you about the source of that money. You could use 50 different institutions; you send $50,000, right? What is 50 times 10? Half a million dollars. Half a million dollars.

$500,000—and nobody asks you a thing. Just like that, the cash is out. They use that money to pay off the Mexican cartels. Yes, to consolidate all those funds. But just imagine—I’m only talking about 50 institutions here. Right. Yeah. And that could be happening in just a single city. How many institutions are there in total? Across the whole country? Yes. Plus, you can recruit an army of people—paying them $300 or $500 each—just to carry out a transfer on your behalf.

We saw this happen just the other day here, Jesús: in the State of Mexico, authorities launched an operation against *La Familia Michoacana* and other groups. The townspeople rose up against the police and disarmed them. They shouted things like, "We *are* La Familia Michoacana here! *So-and-so* runs this town!"—and this was happening during an operation specifically aimed at combating extortion. I mean... it just goes to show: you really *can* dominate entire towns.

Here in Mexico, the cartels *do* dominate towns—and those remittances are precisely what fund that dominance, even if the money is ostensibly being sent to pay for something else. Yes. And furthermore, there is one very significant point to consider:

The U.S. government refuses to talk about this. On that front, at least, things are crystal clear. They’ve mentioned it in hearings, but they don’t take any further action because they know that—directly or indirectly—if the OFAC, the Treasury Department, and all its agencies were to uncover and curb this activity, it would strip banks of enormous profits.

On average—I asked Gerardo Esquivel, the former Deputy Governor of the Bank of Mexico, not long ago—how much U.S. banks actually pocket in commissions from the global remittance market. And he told me, "Roughly a billion dollars a year, son." I mean, they’re not about to let that kind of cash slip through their fingers. Right?

But beyond that, just imagine the implications for the stock markets if it were revealed that these major U.S. institutions are entangled in drug trafficking and money laundering. And there are plenty of other ways that American cartels launder money. You need warehouses, Luis, to move the drugs.

Of course—they buy houses; the real estate sector is deeply involved, isn't it? I mean, it’s incredibly complex and highly sophisticated. That’s why I believe that—even though the level of lethality in our country is horrific, truly ghastly, with people getting beheaded or hacked to pieces—

Yes, in the United States—I repeat—they still view it merely as street violence stemming from drug dealing; just a turf war between gangs, you know? Here, when it comes to gangs—well, three guys turn up dead, murdered, and the assumption is simply that they were fighting over retail drug sales.

But they should investigate: who are these guys? Which organization do they belong to? For several years, I was compiling indictments—working blindly, really—and I ended up buried under a mountain of documents involving Americans, because I was focusing exclusively on U.S. nationals. Eventually, while preparing this project, I asked the publisher: "What should we do? Should we stick to the most current cases?"

And throughout all that research, I hadn't actually come across a single relevant case—which is why, well, I wasn't able to include any. It takes an army of people to cover it all—there are simply too many federal courts, with thousands upon thousands of cases every single day. I hadn't managed to find a case involving a federal agent—especially one linked to fentanyl, which is the very argument the U.S. government uses to justify its actions—until luck finally smiled upon me. A friend who works for the Border Patrol—whom I had called just to say hello—asked me, "So, what are you working on these days?"

I told her, "Hey, well, I'm writing this book." As it turned out, she was investigating corruption *within* the Border Patrol, and she handed me the case file on a U.S. federal agent who was trafficking fentanyl. They are being bribed by Mexican cartels—specifically named individuals, complete with their full names.

It’s no longer just the Mexican cartels doing the bribing; now, it’s *them*—the agents themselves. The fact is, they make an astronomical amount of money. Listen—what you’re saying here, and what those folks from the DEA were telling you, actually ties into something else. It might sound like a conspiracy theory—or whatever else you want to call it—but it really does have to do with the fact that a large portion of the members of these cartels are white.

Yes, absolutely. I mean, there are TV series and movies out there that practically serve as an ode to motorcycle clubs, aren't there? There are so many people who aspire to grow old—or at least reach a certain age—buy themselves a Harley-Davidson, and just hit the road. Just observe them; look at their sheer size, the expressions on their faces—they’re enough to scare the living daylights out of you.

I mean, it’s not like I’m saying *everyone* is involved—mind you, certainly not—but if they *are* involved, well, then they are. Anyway—not everyone, of course—but about... I don't know, I'm pretty sure it’s been about ten years now—this TV series came out: *Sons of Anarchy*. Yeah. Very good, by the way.

All white guys, and every single one of them knee-deep in drugs—in drug trafficking. They clearly knew a thing or two already. And I mean, that’s Hollywood production for you. Later on, they made a more recent one—though that one really leaned into the racism. Naturally—as is always the case in the U.S.—*Mayans M.C.* Yeah, exactly. And with the Mayans—since they were of Mexican descent, set in California, and depicted digging tunnels and doing other nonsense like that (which they don't actually do—*that* part is pure fiction)—it still gave you glimpses of what’s actually going on, and how there are corrupt agents involved.

I just finished watching a series called *Waterfront*—though I didn't think it was all that good. Hmm. Everyone in it was white—yep, all white; every last one of them. Corruption, drug dealing... and then a DEA agent shows up who isn't just a heroin addict, but corrupt as well—and he ends up dying of an overdose.

Not all of this is fiction. *Los cárteles gringos* [The Gringo Cartels] is available in all bookstores. In all bookstores, and in every format. Uh, there’s an audiobook version... Yes, audiobook and e-book. Did *you* listen to the audiobook? I actually recorded it myself. *You* recorded it? No. Oh, right. No, someone else recorded it. Yeah. But anyway, it is absolutely worth checking out.

A large portion of our audience here uses—and consumes—a lot of audiobooks, so it is indeed available in audiobook format, as well as in digital and print versions. It’s well worth the read. It even includes the famous photo of John Callery—just so you can see that, well... it’s all *on the record*, you know? That way, no one can come along later and say, "Well, where is it?"—or claim that you made it all up, or that it’s just pure speculation—the whole nine yards. Let's see... right now, for our friends on YouTube, let's see if we can pull it up; if not, we'll upload it shortly. What did John Kerry say to you about the book?

Look, regarding the book, he hasn't actually seen it yet—obviously, since I didn't have any copies on hand—but he was absolutely delighted that, for the very first time, someone was talking about this initiative that he spearheaded. [Mm-hmm.] An initiative that was right there, in plain sight for everyone to see, yet no one touched it—no one did a thing about it. I’ll wrap things up today by asking you this, Jesús: are they actually going to do anything?

I mean, regarding the narrative—speaking of TV series—regarding the *Lions* narrative, for instance, right? The one where Mexicans are portrayed as being in league with our enemies—where Mexicans are supposedly trying to invade us. Are they going to do anything about that?

Well, yes and no. Look, a few days ago—and I’m bringing up this specific example because people tend not to notice it—everyone talks about the "violent groups." And that’s exactly why I mentioned that they created this initiative: to label those groups specifically as "cartels" because of the violence.

Because that’s a whole different ballgame. You can sell drugs and just be a regular street dealer; but if you start killing people—and if you’ve established a larger organizational structure or infrastructure—then you’ve become something else entirely.

Remember when Trump said that Mexican politicians and government officials were "terrified"—or I can't recall the exact word he used... "terrorized," perhaps—by these groups? He mentioned that specifically, and then he added: "And *we*—*we* are here fighting against these violent groups." And *that* is the part that tends to go unnoticed.

Look, regarding the violent groups—the cartels—he doesn't actually call them cartels, because he’s not stupid. Those violent groups don't vote for him. In fact, surely *more* of them do—I mean, forget it, there are so many of them; they are legion. And—I’m going to be politically incorrect here, okay?—what about the "Rednecks" crowd? Come on, you mean to tell me *they* didn't vote for him?

Well, yes, they surely *did* vote for him. But just look at—let's call it—the deceptive nature of that argument: "violent groups." He said it himself, and now they’re repeating it constantly. Pan Bondi said it right there in Congress. What does it cost them to just say it? That’s precisely why the person who spearheaded this initiative—Jack Riley—when he presented his testimony to Congress to get this initiative passed... well, in the interview I conducted with him, I asked: "Why didn't you just say 'cartels' back then?"

"Well," he replied, "because that would have spooked them, and they wouldn't have given us the funding." Indeed. Jesús, it is an honor to have you on this show. I mean that sincerely, with the utmost admiration. Thank you for your work, Jesús. Thank you very much. No, thank *you* for the invitation, Luis. Thank you so much. Go get the book—it’s available everywhere. *The Gringo Cartels*. 

May I mention that the book presentation is taking place today at 7:00 PM? Yes, yes, absolutely. At the Rosario Castellanos Bookstore. At Rosario Castellanos—today, at 7:00 PM. Anyone who would like to attend will find Jesús Esquivel there, presenting *The Gringo Cartels*. Wishing you every success, as always—thank you very much. 

Source: MVS Noticias

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Sheinbaum Responds to Trump on Drug Fight: 'Mexico Is Taking Action'

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 

The President highlighted a reduction in homicides, the destruction of clandestine laboratories, and a decrease in fentanyl trafficking toward the United States.

President Claudia Sheinbaum responded to recent statements by Donald Trump regarding the fight against drug trafficking, asserting that Mexico is maintaining continuous actions against organized crime and drug trafficking.

During her morning press conference on May 7, 2026, the President reacted to comments made by the U.S. leader, who warned that if other countries "won't do the job, we will."

In response, Sheinbaum emphasized that Mexico *is* indeed taking action and presented figures related to the security strategy implemented by her administration.

"This isn’t the first time he has made such statements, but we are taking action," the President stated.

The President highlighted that there is currently a reduction of nearly 50% in intentional homicides, in addition to the destruction of approximately 2,500 clandestine laboratories linked to the production of synthetic drugs.

"There is a reduction of almost 50% in intentional homicides; 2,500 laboratories disabled or destroyed; and arrests made... There is a reduction in the flow of fentanyl from Mexico to the United States," she affirmed.

During the conference, Sheinbaum also addressed the new anti-drug strategy promoted by the United States, noting the significance of the U.S. government publicly acknowledging the problem of domestic drug consumption.

She explained that the plan seeks to build a drug-free society through preventive campaigns and initiatives aimed primarily at young people and schools.

"For the first time in a U.S. strategy for combating drugs, they have included this theme: creating a United States of America free of drugs through social norms," ​​she remarked.

The President also recalled a previous conversation with Trump, during which they discussed the differences in drug consumption levels between the two countries. As she recounted, she explained to the U.S. leader the importance of family values ​​and the preventive campaigns developed in Mexico. Finally, Sheinbaum reiterated that Mexico will maintain bilateral cooperation regarding security and the fight against drug trafficking, although she insisted that the illegal trafficking of weapons from the United States into Mexican territory must also be curbed.

Source: El Siglo de Torreón

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Two Officers Dead after State Police Ambushed in Reynosa, Tamaulipas

By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat

Yesterday afternoon, two police officers were killed and another was wounded after a vehicle chase and shootout with Los Metros in southern Reynosa, Tamaulipas. 

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El Chapo Makes Shocking Request, New Allegations Surround Actions Behind Bars

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 

The notorious drug lord El Chapo has made an outrageous request in a new handwritten letter, meanwhile, questions have emerged about whether the drug kingpin has been trying to run his drug cartel from inside America's most secure prison.

Source: NBC Chicago

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Who Is El Jardinero?

By "Karamazov" for Borderland Beat

 

Audias Flores Silva, a.k.a “El Jardinero,” “Gabriel Raigosa Plascencia,” “Comandante,” “El Bravo 2,” “Audi,” and “Mata Jefes,” is a senior regional commander of the Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG), one of Mexico’s most powerful and violent transnational criminal organizations. He was captured by Mexican security forces during a major military operation in Nayarit on April 27, 2026. 

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Drones, Outfitted Trailers, and 10,000 Cameras: a Visit to Maru Campos’s “Mini-Pentagon” in Chihuahua

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 

Following the controversy sparked by the presence of CIA agents in Chihuahua—a presence revealed by the deaths of two agents in a road accident—the state government is currently assessing the legal propriety of allowing U.S. security agencies to be stationed on the 18th floor of the Centinela Tower.

As recently as April 13, Chihuahua’s Secretary of Public Security, Gilberto Loya, announced that U.S. personnel would be stationed on that specific floor of the agency’s headquarters building with the aim of improving coordination and information sharing—a stance that has since shifted.

“Nothing has been finalized yet, but yes, that was indeed supposed to be the idea,” Adrián Eduardo Chavira, Undersecretary for the Centinela Platform, told *MILENIO*.

For their part, state officials confirmed to this media outlet that the legal and logistical feasibility of the project was indeed being analyzed.

What is known about the Centinela Tower?

Against this backdrop, Gilberto Loya sidestepped confirming the stationing of U.S. agencies within the tower, limiting his remarks to stating that all operations are being conducted in strict accordance with established coordination protocols.

“The key issue here is collaboration—as the President [Claudia Sheinbaum] herself stated: ‘Collaboration is a legal practice,’ provided that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is represented in all our meetings. This applies to all working groups—since we operate under the Border Security Protocol program—which include the participation of all relevant authorities, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs among them,” he replied when questioned on the matter, before abruptly taking his leave.

Doubts regarding the presence of agencies from that country within this tower—a structure that has been a source of controversy since its very construction—have intensified following the deaths of two CIA agents who had participated in an operation to dismantle a drug laboratory in Chihuahua. Days before the accident, Loya announced that one of the top floors of the Tower—the headquarters of Chihuahua’s Secretariat of Security—would be allocated for offices of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), and Customs and Border Protection (CBP).

Chihuahua Governor Maru Campos sought to transform the *Torre Centinela* (Sentinel Tower) into a security operations hub equipped with over 10,000 cameras.

Ever since the CIA’s presence in a state-led operation was confirmed, an investigation was launched to determine whether the country's sovereignty had been violated. Consequently, questions have arisen regarding whether such sovereignty can be guaranteed given the presence of foreign agents within the *Torre Centinela*—known on social media as "Maru Campos’s Mini-Pentagon" and serving as the flagship project of the program bearing the same name.

MILENIO toured three floors of the new headquarters for the Secretariat responsible for security and police intelligence in Chihuahua. The headquarters is situated in Ciudad Juárez—a location chosen because this border city previously recorded the highest rates of criminal activity in the state—and has since yielded positive results.

“The indicators we have been tracking include, in fact, the ranking of the world’s most dangerous cities. Previously—if I recall correctly—we were ranked 12th when we first arrived; now, we have dropped out of the top 15, currently sitting at 17th place... That was one of the key factors behind the decision to relocate the Secretariat here,” explained Chavira.

Technology that Chihuahua hopes will strengthen its position

The official is in charge of managing the technological tools for the *Centinela* (Sentinel) program; he highlighted the resources currently available for combating both local delinquency and organized crime.

“There are 13 sub-command centers—which we refer to as C7 centers—equipped with Artificial Intelligence. In other words, the entire state is divided into 13 regions, and each region possesses its own command center. Additionally, there is the central state command center—the *Torre Centinela* (Sentinel Tower). We have access to over 10,000 cameras, distributed across 3,065 video-surveillance poles, 102 highway arches, and 11 checkpoints situated along the state’s highways and roads.

“Furthermore, we possess 75 drones, 25 anti-drone systems, and 40 trailers equipped with cameras that can be deployed anywhere within the state—connecting via satellite—or positioned specifically to help prevent crimes in targeted zones,” he explained.

Located on the 15th floor is the operational hub for the Center for Command, Computing, Control, Coordination, Citizen Contact, Quality, and Communications (C7), from which thousands of streets across Chihuahua’s 67 municipalities are monitored.

Chihuahua Governor Maru Campos sought to transform the *Torre Centinela* into a security operations center equipped with a network of over 10,000 cameras.

The State Police maintain a 24-hour watch; however, the National Guard and the Ministry of Defense are also stationed on this same floor. Through the coordinated efforts of federal and state forces, joint operations have been conducted to combat arms and narcotics trafficking—operations that have even garnered recognition from the federal government for the resulting increase in fentanyl seizures.

“Through the Secretariat of Public Security, we have participated in operations leading to the seizure of fentanyl and other narcotics. Specifically, the Undersecretariat for Police Deployment and the Undersecretariat for General Staff Operations have been the key entities driving this work, achieving highly successful results.” "The operation is staged here; we coordinate that joint operation... In terms of public security, what we have represents a transformation—a shift from the approach previously employed to the one currently in place; it was a complete 180-degree turn," commented Pablo Nava, Director of Operations and Emergency Management at the C7.

From a distance—even from certain areas of El Paso, Texas, in the United States—the Centinela Tower in Ciudad Juárez is clearly visible. It rises imposingly from the center of the municipality, featuring a distinctive structure designed to withstand strong winds.

It remains in the final stages of construction, and currently, only the three floors housing the C7 and the Centinela Program are operational. MILENIO requested permission to visit the 18th floor, but the request was denied. Inquiries were also made regarding the Secretariat's current stance, as well as for confirmation regarding which agencies would maintain a presence at the site.

Source: Milenio

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One is Criticized for Dismantling a Lab, While Another is Defended Tooth and Nail: Maru Campos

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 

The Governor of Chihuahua questions the criticism directed at her administration, contrasting it with the defense of Rubén Rocha Moya—who has been implicated in alleged ties to drug trafficking.

Governor María Eugenia Campos stated that it seems strange for her administration to face criticism for dismantling a massive synthetic drug laboratory, while other public figures are defended tooth and nail.

This remark came in response to questions regarding the situation in the state of Sinaloa, specifically concerning its governor—currently on leave—Rubén Rocha Moya, whom the U.S. government has implicated in alleged ties to drug trafficking.

“I just want to make one thing very clear: one person is spoken ill of for dismantling a laboratory and for preventing drugs from reaching families—our girls and boys—while the other is defended tooth and nail,” she asserted.

Campos Galván reiterated comments she made last week, noting that it is time for the citizenry to recognize who is truly who.

Furthermore, she emphasized that the Mexican people possess a decades-long history of democratic struggles, and that the residents of Chihuahua have a clear understanding of the conduct of their elected officials.

It is worth noting that the Attorney General's Office is currently conducting an investigation into an operation in which a drug laboratory was dismantled; subsequently—hours later—two U.S. officials died in a road accident in the mountainous region.

Sources: El Herldo de Chihuahua, Borderland Beat Archives, Borderland Beat Archives

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Organized Crime Imposes Control in Michoacán: Grecia Quiroz

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 

Grecia Quiroz, Mayor of Uruapan, denounces that organized crime in Michoacán exercises the real power, affecting merchants and transport workers.

The Mayor of Uruapan, Grecia Quiroz, asserted that in Michoacán, real power is wielded by organized crime, arguing that the daily dynamic of violence and extortion makes it evident who truly controls the territory.

In an interview with *El País*, she affirmed that the citizenry perceives this reality firsthand, noting: “If we look at the actions taking place day-to-day involving citizens—[it is] organized] crime.” She added that sectors such as merchants and transport workers continue to operate under pressure.

She explained that this situation is reflected in acts of intimidation, stating: “When the butcher, the tortilla maker, the taxi driver, or the minibus operator report that they continue to be extorted, abducted, or intimidated, you realize that *they* are indeed organized—and *we* are not.”

The municipal president warned that the problem is exacerbated when ties exist between authorities and criminal elements, declaring:

“The moment a mayor, a governor, or a legislator has links to organized crime, that is when support for the citizenry ends; you are no longer the one governing—*they* govern through you.”

In this context, she rejected any form of agreement with criminal groups, emphasizing: “I do not need them to act as my patrons, nor to fund my campaign; I never want to make a pact with these kinds of people.” She also called for the necessary conditions to be established so she could properly carry out her public duties.

Doubts the progress made in Carlos Manzo case

Six months after the assassination of her husband—former mayor Carlos Manzo—his widow maintained that the investigations have failed to shed light on the facts, stating: “They have not gotten to the bottom of it.” She raised the possibility of a political motive, noting: “Carlos was going to be the governor of Michoacán; there are reasons to believe they wanted to get him out of the way.” She also referred to specific political figures who, she stated, ought to be investigated.

She also questioned the conduct of the authorities, declaring: “I do not see the authorities giving this the necessary attention,” and called for the investigations to be deepened.

**Grief and Security Conditions**

The mayor described the personal impact of the crime, noting: “My life has changed completely; not a single thing remains the same.”

She indicated that fear has become a part of her daily reality, stating: “I think about what would happen if the same thing happened to me—my children would be left adrift.” Nevertheless, she maintained that she would continue her public service.

Regarding her personal grieving process, she acknowledged that she has not been able to pause and process it, saying: “There hasn’t been any time to fully assimilate it.”

**Strategy Against Violence**

Quiroz explained that her approach to combating crime has defined limits, stating: “I am not going to go up into the hills—as Carlos used to do—to uncover clandestine labs or weapons caches.”

She noted that she would opt for institutional reporting rather than direct confrontation, declaring: “Of course [I will take action], but I am not going to confront them directly; I am the only thing my children have left.”

She acknowledged the presence of federal forces in the area, though she maintained that the perception of insecurity persists within the municipality.

**Political Ambitions**

The municipal president confirmed her intention to seek the governorship, stating: “Yes, I am ready.”

She asserted that her political project offers a distinct alternative, noting that “Michoacán needs something different,” and linked her aspiration to the growth of the *Movimiento del Sombrero* (The Hat Movement).

Finally, she made her participation contingent upon personal factors, declaring: “May God grant me life; if God grants me life, we will fight the battle.”

Sources: Contra Muro, Borderland Beat Archives

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Record 40 Tons of Cocaine Seized from Ship by Spanish Police

"Socalj" for Borderland Beat

The Spanish police announced the seizure of what is believed to be the largest seized shipment of cocaine in history. On Friday May 1, Spanish Civil Guard took control of a ship loaded with huge quantities of drugs off the coast of the Canary Islands.

According to sources from the main Civil Guard Union (AUGC), reported by Agence France-Presse, the quantity seized is estimated to be between 35 and 45 tons of cocaine, as the ship’s holds were “completely full” of drug packages, making it a “historic operation.”

Currently, thorough inspections of the ship are being conducted, which docked in the Canary ports after departing from Freetown, Sierra Leone, heading towards Benghazi, Libya.

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Butcher Shops Under Fire in Villahermosa, Tabasco - Three Workers Killed In Two Weeks

By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat

Two butcher shops have been attacked by criminals in the past month in Villahermosa, Tabasco as a local crime group seeks to levy new extortion fees on the sector.

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Five Killed at Possible Drug Sale Point in Ciénega de Flores, Nuevo León

By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat

Two women and three men were shot and killed, while another person was wounded, on Sunday afternoon in Ciénega de Flores, Nuevo León. News media reported that the site may have used as a drug dealing point.

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Security Reinforced on Aldama-Ojinaga Highway with 40 Additional State Police Officers

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 

According to Ricardo Realivazquez Domínguez, Undersecretary of Police Deployment for the State Public Security Secretariat (SSPE), within a 10-day span—following the assignment of 40 additional officers to patrol the highway stretch running from Aldama to Ojinaga—authorities have seized six stolen vehicles (two of which were burned out) and dismantled several encampments and a ranch that criminal groups were using as temporary operational bases.

This action was taken in response to reports filed on April 22, in which seven vehicles were stolen—in separate incidents involving the use of violence—at various points along the route. Consequently, starting from that date, the permanent patrol presence of these 40 SSPE officers—specifically drawn from the SWAT unit—was added to the ongoing operations conducted by the Inter-institutional Operations Bases (BOI).

"We currently have around 40 officers deployed for this operation; however, it is important to highlight the existing coordination with the National Defense Secretariat, the National Guard, the municipal police forces of both Aldama and Ojinaga, and the State Investigation Agency," he stated in an interview with *El Heraldo de Chihuahua*, emphasizing that the reinforcement provided by these 40 officers has yielded significant results.

In this regard, he noted that among the results achieved in recent days—specifically concerning the report regarding the seven vehicles stolen at various locations and incidents along the Aldama-Ojinaga corridor—key highlights include the seizure of several vehicles reported stolen in the United States, as well as two additional burned-out vehicles, which are currently undergoing forensic testing to determine if they were linked to any criminal activity. As a result of said operation, SSPE special forces were attacked by armed men who opened fire on the officers using .50-caliber weapons. Consequently—once the state police officers managed to call for backup—they withdrew to safety.

Another highlight noted by Realivazquez Domínguez was the seizure of two encampments located in the desert region connecting Aldama with Coyame and Ojinaga; these sites were used for the temporary or permanent housing of organized crime groups. “We also have a record of weapons seizures dating back to before this recent period,” he added.

One of the most recent interventions took place on April 28, when—through inter-agency collaboration with the National Guard and the Mexican Army—authorities seized a vehicle featuring improvised armor plating, along with a firearm and tactical gear, in the locality of Chorreras, within the municipality of Aldama. During the deployment, personnel cleared 27 caltrops from the roadway, thereby allowing surveillance operations to proceed safely.

While en route, officers located a gray Dodge Ram pickup truck that appeared to have been abandoned. Upon inspection, they confirmed that the vehicle was fitted with improvised armor; inside, they discovered a long gun, a tactical vest, a magazine pouch, and live ammunition of various calibers.

Following this seizure, officers located a nearby encampment—presumably used for “spotting” (surveillance for criminal groups)—where they found provisions, clothing, and tactical footwear. The site was subsequently dismantled by security forces.

Prior to the arrival of the 40-officer reinforcement contingent, on April 10, another criminal encampment was located and dismantled—resulting in the seizure of tactical gear—by the SSPE’s Deployment Police, acting in inter-agency collaboration within the municipality of Aldama, near the junction leading to the communal land of Chorreras.

The site was pinpointed during an operation supported by a helicopter, from which the encampment was detected situated atop a hill. Subsequently, on land, agents seized 10 rifle magazines, 20 live rounds, two magazine pouches, a portable solar panel, and a portable radio charger. As a result of this discovery, an operation was deployed in Chorreras and the surrounding areas to locate and apprehend potential instigators of violence in the region.

Chihuahua, Mexico 

Chorreras, Chihuahua

Source: El Heraldo de Chihuahua

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Lead By Example Instead Of Making Excuses

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 

Two members from the Mayito Flaco mob find themselves being questioned under duress during daylight hours. Enforcers under the command of Ivan Archivaldo want to clarify certain details about the area before executing them.  

The communities of Imala, Ayuné, El Pozo, Tomo, Tachinolpa, El Guasimal, and Valle del Agua are mentioned on film. All are situated northeast of Culiacán. Along with this, so is the Los Angeles neighborhood for the capital city of Sinaloa. Every locality has or had enemy combatants there. 

An alleged two weeks on the job were made by the older gentleman. While his young counterpart claims a whole year. Both allegedly met up in the area for the consumption of crystal meth. 

What all they have to say doesn’t matter as much as the seriousness of the matter. The two men already know that regardless of how much they try to stall the Chapiza enforcers. Both are eventually going to die. 

The communities of El Pozo, Tomo, and Tachinolpa in Sinaloa.

The Los Angeles neighborhood of Culiacán, Sinaloa

Source: Anonymous 

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Why Is It So Dangerous To Tell The Truth In Mexico?

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat

Stop for a second, because what you are about to see—there are those who would prefer it didn't exist. May 3rd: World Press Freedom Day. A day that sounds like an established right—yet in Mexico, it is lived out amidst grave danger. 

Today, press freedom is commemorated in a country where telling the truth can cost you your life; where stories vanish if no one steps up to tell them. 

"I want my daughter because she was admitted here, and she has to be released from here." 

Disappearances, corruption, violence—realities that those in power often attempt to conceal

"Tomorrow marks three months of this corruption that kills regarding the derailment of the interoceanic train."

But when someone decides to tell the story, everything changes. 

"The corruption witnessed here is truly staggering—and it was all captured on camera."

For the truth doesn’t simply appear on its own; it is investigated, it is documented, and today—more than ever—it is shared. 

"They took them alive. We want them back alive." 

This May 3rd isn’t just about journalists. 

"The Izaguirre Ranch in Techutlán, Jalisco: it isn’t merely a criminal extermination site. It also bears signs that the very notions of truth and justice are being systematically eradicated."

It’s about everyone who chooses not to remain silent. 

"Even if it’s just a tiny bone—a single fragment to hold onto—it means knowing that they are there. Why are a man and a woman so weary? They are the parents of those caught up in the reality we are currently enduring."

It’s about those who transform their pain into a public outcry. 

"Maricela Escobedo had become a social activist, demanding justice from the authorities."

Press freedom is not merely a concept; it is the force that renders the truth visible. 

"I came to confront the government. We do not want their dictatorship—we do not want it.”

In view of this, the truth must be told, every single day. What do you think? Without a free press, would we know everything that’s going on, or just what they want us to know? 

Source: Azteca Noticias

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"El Pío," the Son of "El Balta" and a Associate of Mayo Zambada, Has Been Arrested

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat

Federal forces arrested José Porfirio Díaz Medina alias El Pío, son of the Sinaloan drug trafficker Baltasar Díaz Vega, yesterday, Thursday. Who died in March 1988 during a shootout recorded in Mexico City, in which two judicial police officers died.

According to official information, the arrest took place in the vicinity of a food business identified as the taqueria La Pasada on the Los Mochis Topolobampo highway, in the Las Misiones residential area, in the city of Los Mochis, without any major incidents being reported.

He was wanted by Interpol. However, so far the sources consulted do not publicly detail the specific charges for which he was wanted, nor the country that would have requested international collaboration through Interpol.

After his capture, José Porfirio Díaz Medina was placed at the disposal of the Federal Public Ministry, remaining under custody in the facilities of the Attorney General's Office with headquarters in Los Mochis.

His father, Baltasar Díaz Vega, is identified as a drug trafficker during the 1980s. In journalistic archives, Díaz Vega, aka  El Balta, appears linked to the historical context of Ismael El Mayo Zambada, founder of the Sinaloa cartel. 

The name of Baltasar Díaz Vega has been cited in journalistic investigations about the alliances that were part of the historical configuration of the Sinaloa cartel. Rio Doce noted that, following the fragmentation of the old Guadalajara Cartel, Zambada allied with Díaz Vega, with whom he maintained a relationship of confidant and political kinship. 

He was born on the El Zapote ranch in the municipality of Badiraguato. He was a cattleman and businessman, in addition to engaging in illicit activities for decades.

His story inspired the narco ballad "Se Le Peló Baltazar." This song, performed by artists such as Valentín Elizalde and groups like La Arrolladora Banda El Limón, tells the story of the episode in which Díaz Vega managed to evade the authorities when they tried to arrest him at his ranch.

Source: Grillonautas 2

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