Blog dedicated to reporting on Mexican drug cartels
on the border line between the US and Mexico
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Tuesday, October 20, 2026

El Taliban Fell In Mazatlán... And What He Confessed Ties Everything Together

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 









“Sinaloa is a priority for the government of Mexico; it is a priority for the President of Mexico. The security cabinet has instructed us to maintain a permanent oversight of the operations being carried out in Sinaloa”. 

October 16, 2026, marks the beginning of the downfall of "El Talibán." A series of operations in Sinaloa began to reveal the movements of an alleged criminal cell linked to "Los Chapitos" faction of the Sinaloa Cartel. At the center of the investigations is an individual known as "El Talibán," who is identified as a trusted associate of a regional leader within this faction of the Sinaloa Cartel—a man also allegedly connected to the kidnapping and murder of 10 mine workers.


According to the Secretariat of National Defense, the capture of "El Talibán" took place on October 17, 2026, in the municipality of Mazatlán, following a series of military intelligence efforts that led authorities to suspected members of this criminal organization.


The detainee was found in possession of weapons and a vehicle. Authorities identified him as a close associate of Juan Benito "N"—known as "El Beni 17"—who is alleged to be a regional leader for "Los Chapitos." However, his arrest wasn’t an isolated event. A day earlier, on October 16, federal and state authorities carried out an operation in the municipality of El Rosario. There, they apprehended four suspected members of a criminal cell that, according to investigations, was part of the security detail for Óscar Luciano "N"—known as "Casco" or "El 81"—who is identified as the regional leader of this same faction.


Among those detained is a Colombian national. During both operations, authorities seized weapons and tactical gear, while intelligence efforts provided further insight into the activities of this criminal network. Intelligence gathered has allowed for progress in the investigation into the activities of this criminal network. Furthermore, the case of the 10 miners looms over this cell.


The investigation has taken on a more serious dimension due to the allegations against those arrested. According to the Secretariat of National Defense, these individuals are believed to be linked to the kidnapping and murder of 10 workers from the mining company Canam Vizsla Silver Corporation, which occurred on January 23, 2026, in La Concordia, Sinaloa. Initial statements from the detainees suggest that the victims were mistaken for members of a rival group.


These are the initial statements; we expect more information to emerge, and, naturally, more arrests are likely to follow. In this regard, have mining companies in general—not just in Sinaloa—reached out to you, or have you received any information suggesting they are being extorted, or that their personnel or the companies themselves are being intimidated? In this specific case, we had not previously received any report or complaint indicating that they were being extorted or that any member of this company had been harassed by a criminal group.


We had no prior record of this. The case sent shockwaves through the mining sector and raised questions about the operations of criminal groups in this region. Now, the arrest of these members of the "Chapitos" organization could provide new information to help clarify what happened—though, of course, their specific culpability will have to be determined through the corresponding investigations. And the list of incidents under investigation doesn’t end there.


These members of the cell are also linked to the kidnapping of four tourists from the State of Mexico, which took place on February 3, 2026, in Mazatlán, Sinaloa. On that occasion, a group of six tourists from the State of Mexico were riding in rented all-terrain vehicles—specifically "Razor" models—when they were intercepted by a group of armed men. Hours after the kidnapping, a woman and a minor were released, safe and sound, in the community of El Aval.


However, four men from the same family were held captive by these criminals. Since the abduction, the kidnappers haven’t made any calls demanding a ransom. 


"Listen... your parents are fighting for you. Listen, your parents are fighting for you. Javier, listen—they are fighting for you." 


In reality, the operations carried out on October 16 and 17 were the result of military intelligence work and coordination between federal and state security forces. The capture of "El Talibán" opens a new line of investigation into the regional structure of the "Chapitos" in Sinaloa. Authorities are seeking to clarify the links between those arrested and the acts of violence attributed to them, while the true extent of this network—and its potential connections to other criminal leaders—remains an open question.






Source: La Saga

This Is How the MataZetas Captured and Executed the Zetas

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 








Which organization do you belong to? The "Zetas." How long have you been with this group? About two and a half years. Tell me how you joined...


There was a time when the *Zetas* were untouchable. Hardly anyone dared to confront them, but then a group emerged that wasn't afraid of them. The *MataZetas* ("Zeta-killers") claim to be ordinary people who had simply grown tired—but the truth is something else. Today, I’ll tell you how they hunted them down, how they marked them, and how that group eventually became something even more powerful.


Stay tuned, because this is going to shock you. It all began around 2011. Back then, the *Zetas* were expanding unchecked; having broken away from the Gulf Cartel, they were seizing territory across the country—Tamaulipas, Veracruz, San Luis Potosí, Coahuila, Nuevo León—and even reaching states like Quintana Roo and Zacatecas.


Their *modus operandi* was unlike anything seen before. They didn't just traffic drugs; they involved themselves in all sorts of illegal activities—extortion, kidnapping, fuel theft, human trafficking—imposing their own brutal law wherever they went. Faced with such immense power, something new appeared. In the very areas where the *Zetas* operated, messages began to circulate, signed by a group calling themselves the *MataZetas*.


At first, they claimed to be ordinary townspeople—neighbors fed up with the relentless violence who had banded together for self-defense. But soon, questions arose: how could regular people possibly take on one of the best-armed and best-trained criminal groups in Mexico? Where were they getting the money, the weapons, and the intelligence needed to track them down—in places where no one else could?


Strong rumors began to spread that the Sinaloa Cartel was behind them. The reason was clear: the *Zetas* had become their greatest obstacle to moving freely throughout the country. It is said that the Sinaloa Cartel supported local groups—longtime enemies of the Zetas—to fight against them. But what many don’t realize is that, over time, these groups became independent.


They no longer answered to anyone but themselves. From that independence—and from an alliance originally forged to destroy a common enemy—emerged what we know today as the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, the formidable CJNG. What began as a response to the Zetas eventually transformed into one of the largest criminal organizations in the country.


In a sense, then, something was born out of that dark war that completely altered Mexico’s criminal landscape. Capturing a Zeta was no easy task; knowing they had many enemies, they lived with extreme caution. They frequently changed residences, avoided using the same phone for long, steered clear of predictable routes, and kept their destinations secret—often, even their own family members didn’t know their whereabouts.


So, how did the *MataZetas* ("Zeta-killers") manage to track them down? The key wasn’t weaponry, but intelligence. They built an extensive, discreet network of informants. People within the neighborhoods, at local markets, and along transport routes would tip them off—reporting, for instance, "I just saw that vehicle they always use," or "They’re gathering at that house at a certain time," or "They head out to the corner store in the morning." They also received information from victims of the Zetas—people who had been extorted, relatives of kidnapping victims, or simply those who wanted to see the Zetas fall. All this information was gathered and cross-referenced, gradually piecing together the puzzle: who lived where, whom they met with, when they left the house, and how many guards were protecting them. Once they knew a target’s location, they didn’t strike immediately.


They would study their movements for days. They knew when their targets were alone, when they were accompanied, and when they were most off-guard; and when they decided to act, they did so with great speed. They would strike at night or at times when they knew fewer people would be around—sometimes arriving in disguise, or simply relying on the element of surprise. Often, the capture took place without a single shot being fired, as the element of surprise was their greatest weapon; once they had their targets under control, they would take them to a remote location.


This is where the darkest part of it all began. Once they had their prisoners, the *MataZetas*—the "Zeta-killers"—would do something that became their signature: they would either dress them in a white or light-colored shirt with the letter "Z" printed on the chest, or use a sharp, pointed object—like a pocketknife or a blade—to carve the letter directly into the victim’s skin. The letter "Z" was no coincidence; it was a way of saying, "We know who you are, we know where you come from, and now you are in our hands."


It served as both a mark of humiliation and a warning. In videos that circulated online, one could see the types of tools they had at their disposal. They didn’t just carry firearms; they were seen with large axes, double-edged machetes, knives of various sizes, and—in some cases—chainsaws. These were heavy, conspicuous tools that, in themselves, gave a clear idea of ​​what they were capable of doing.


They made no effort to hide them; rather, they displayed them intentionally to instill fear. What struck those who watched these videos most was the presence of large, dark-colored drums in the background. Based on their appearance—and the rumors circulating at the time—these containers held some form of acid or corrosive substance, used to dissolve bodies and make them vanish without a trace. Simply seeing them there was enough to sow terror.


All of this was part of a calculated strategy. They didn’t just want to eliminate their enemies; they wanted everyone to know what awaited them if they remained on the wrong side. They rarely killed their captives immediately; they needed information, and that information was just as valuable as the capture itself. Each person who fell into their hands could potentially lead them to two, three, or even more key figures within the *Zetas* organization.


The interrogations were never improvised. They knew exactly what they wanted to find out. First, names and positions: "Who was your direct boss? Who gave you your orders?" To whom did you report? Who were the people working with you? Did you know leaders from other areas? Sometimes, a single name could open the door to an entire cell. Second, locations and hideouts: Where did the leaders live? Which safe houses did they use? Where did they store heavy weapons? Where did they hide money or drugs? Where did they gather for important meetings?


With this information, they could raid locations and seize assets without anyone noticing. Third, routes and movements: What paths did they use to enter or leave the area? What vehicles did they use, and when? How often did the leaders travel to other territories? What phones did they use, and with whom did they communicate most frequently? This allowed them to set up ambushes or identify when an area was left unprotected. It is known that some prisoners talked quickly out of fear, while others spoke in the hope that cooperating would spare their lives.


Some managed to remain silent for hours or days before saying anything. But the saddest part is that, in most cases, the information they provided bought them only a temporary reprieve—it almost never saved their lives. Once they had nothing left to say, their fate—already determined beforehand—would be sealed. After gathering all the information, a decision was made. It was not a random process; each person was evaluated based on several specific criteria.


If you were a recent recruit—someone who didn’t issue orders but merely followed basic instructions—you were more likely to be spared. If, however, you were a squad leader, a regional commander, or someone who understood the entire organizational structure, there was virtually no mercy. The extent of the harm you had caused was the deciding factor: if you had ordered executions, kidnappings, or acts of extortion, your fate was almost certainly the worst possible outcome. If you had merely been involved, without having issued serious orders, your situation might be viewed differently. 


There was also the question of whether you might prove useful—or dangerous—in the future. If they let you go, would you return to the *Zetas* to seek revenge? Did you know too much about them—or about your captors—to be allowed to walk free? If the answer was yes, it was highly unlikely they would let you go. In some cases, individuals deemed low-level were released with a very clear warning: leave this area and do not return. If we see you again, there will be no second chance. This wasn’t an act of kindness; it was a strategy. 


Those who were released—or sent away—carried with them both fear and a message: "They know who we are, they know where we are, and they are coming for all of us." In this way, terror spread without a single shot being fired. But for those who held high-ranking positions, the decision was final. They knew too much and had caused too much harm; letting them go would have put the entire organization at risk. 


There was no negotiation, no forgiveness—they knew their time had come. While these events usually took place in remote locations, that wasn’t always the case. Often, the *MataZetas*—the "Zeta-killers"—chose to make a far more striking statement. They would leave bodies in plain sight: on major highways, at the entrances to cities, on pedestrian bridges, or even in public squares. This was not done out of gratuitous cruelty. 


It was a warning directed at everyone—but, above all, at the other members of the *Zetas*. They were essentially saying, "This is what awaits all of you." One of the most horrific and memorable incidents took place in Boca del Río, in the state of Veracruz. In that area, 35 bodies were left in plain sight, in a busy, high-traffic location. The news spread across the entire country, as no one could believe what they were seeing.


It was one of the most extreme displays of its kind at the time, marking a very dark chapter for the state of Veracruz. The image remained etched in the memories of many Mexicans, illustrating the extreme lengths to which the war between criminal groups had escalated. What was most unsettling was not just the act itself, but the cold-blooded, calculated manner in which it was carried out.


This was not a spontaneous outburst of rage; it was a premeditated act, designed to send a message. When a group saw their own associates left in such a state, fear took hold of everyone. Trust vanished, no one felt safe, and the organization began to weaken from within—which was precisely the intended outcome. Over the years, the situation evolved; what began as a reactionary group formed to counter "Los Zetas" did not disappear—instead, it grew and transformed.


"Los MataZetas" (the "Zeta-Killers") evolved, became better organized, and eventually transformed into what we now know as the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG). From a group that emerged to fight a common enemy, they developed into an independent organization that now operates across multiple Mexican states and several other countries. Thus, from this conflict between criminal factions, something even larger and more powerful emerged.


And therein lies the most important lesson: responding to violence with more violence solves nothing. It merely shifts the power dynamic—changing who is on top and who is at the bottom. The group that was originally formed to put an end to the terror inflicted by "Los Zetas" eventually became an organization in its own right, wielding its own power and controlling its own territory. There was no happy ending, no winner who brought peace; there was only a shift in power and many broken families on both sides.




Source: MrCreppBoyy

Monday, October 19, 2026

Captain Sol: The Ghost Who Controlled Customs and Ran the Government's Illegal Fuel Trade

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 








He was nicknamed "The Ghost" because, despite holding no formal position, he became the true boss of the country’s customs service. According to the statement of a cooperating witness, even the Secretary of the Navy could not remove him. During the administration of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, he effectively held more power than the official heads of customs—Horacio Duarte, Rafael Marín Mollinedo, and Andrés George Fulón—all without them supposedly even realizing it.


His name is Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz, better known as "Captain Sol." The Attorney General’s Office (FGR) identifies him as the operational and financial mastermind behind a "fiscal fuel-smuggling" network—a scheme that, between 2023 and 2025, allegedly siphoned approximately 600 billion pesos from the public treasury. Evidence suggests he acted as the key link, connecting funds from importers of illegal fuel to naval and civilian personnel working at ports and customs facilities.


However, "The Ghost’s" operations would have been impossible without the solid foundation of protection he secured from above—from the very highest echelons of the state. How did Captain Sol become the primary operator of this web of corruption? Who, or what group, allowed him to wield such power? One name that appears repeatedly in investigations and testimonies held by the FGR is that of Andy López Beltrán.


Testimonies gathered by the investigative unit of Azteca Noticias describe Solano Ruiz as a quiet, almost timid man—someone capable of remaining unnoticed while possessing exceptional intelligence. He was born in a small town in the municipality of Tierra Blanca, Veracruz, and grew up in a large family with three siblings, living without any luxuries.


In 1994, he entered the Heroic Naval Military School, where he distinguished himself through his academic performance. After spending several years at sea, he was recruited into the intelligence divisions of the Secretariat of the Navy—the branch from which the Naval Intelligence Unit (UIN) would eventually emerge. Naval intelligence is credited with playing a pivotal role in operations against major drug trafficking kingpins, such as Arturo Beltrán Leyva, Antonio Ezequiel Cárdenas Guillén, Heriberto Lazcano, and Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán.


Due to his performance, the Navy assigned him to the Attorney General’s Office (PGR)—first to the National Center for Planning, Analysis, and Information for Combating Crime (CENAPI), and later to the Specialized Prosecutor’s Office for Organized Crime Investigation (SEIDO). His twisted career path offers a lesson that cannot be overlooked: the alleged mastermind behind one of the largest frauds ever committed in Mexico was an operative trained by the state itself to combat its most dangerous criminals.


The betrayal by "El Fantasma" (The Ghost) is more than just a personal anecdote; it exposes the failure of institutions that end up creating the very monsters that later inflict harm upon society. This case is reminiscent of the "ETAs"—elite Mexican military personnel, some of whom were trained in the United States—who also served within the PGR before crossing the line into illegality to join the Gulf Cartel, then led by Osiel Cárdenas Guillén.


For several years, Miguel Ángel Solano’s superior was Gustavo Salas, who headed both CENAPI and, subsequently, SEIDO. It is likely that, during this time, "El Fantasma" identified the state’s vulnerabilities and the most lucrative criminal enterprises. Among these, he discovered one that, at first glance, appeared less serious than others: it did not involve the trafficking of drugs, weapons, or human beings, but rather something simpler—fuel smuggling.


If one manages to pass off gasoline or diesel—which are subject to high excise taxes—as additives or lubricants, which are taxed at a much lower rate, the profit potential is enormous. Selling these products multiplies the profit margin. All signs point to "Captain Sol" switching sides in 2017. This coincided with the departure of Gustavo Salas; Salas left his post in December 2016, while Solano resigned from the Attorney General’s Office (PGR) in February 2017, retiring from the Navy shortly thereafter.


Between May and June of this year, a series of companies emerged that appear to have served as vehicles for this operation, including Gersap Transportes, Marapú Ingeniería, Saenmar, Aliso Valle Constructora, and Comercializadora Industrial Comp. All were established using "straw men"—very young individuals with virtually no prior business experience.


The next step, facilitated by Climacoalda Peutrera—a classmate from the Heroic Naval Academy—was to bring in the brothers Manuel Roberto and Fernando Farías Laguna. They are the nephews-in-law of Admiral Rafael Ojeda, who served as Secretary of the Navy during the López Obrador administration. According to the Attorney General’s Office (FGR), the head of the Navy (SEMAR) entrusted key departmental decisions to these relatives, including the appointment of naval personnel to strategic positions within the customs service—an operation that was transferred to the Navy in 2020.


At the same time, this shadowy figure incorporated Humberto Enrique López Arellano—the director of maritime customs supervision at the National Customs Agency (ANAM)—into his network, as well as, in all likelihood, López Arellano’s superior, Felipe Solano Armenta, the Director General of Customs Operations. It is also possible that he had the support of former acquaintances from the old Attorney General’s Office (PGR). 

A cooperating witness recounts that when a ship loaded with diesel was docked at the port of Guaymas, Solano claimed he had already spoken with his superiors to ensure that the Sonora Prosecutor’s Office would not intervene. The testimony doesn’t clarify whether it was the State Prosecutor’s Office—headed by Gustavo Salas—or the local branch of the FGR (Federal Attorney General’s Office) in that state. Looking at the network as a whole, it is difficult to believe that a single man could have placed himself above so many institutions—including the Secretariat of the Navy, the National Customs Agency, port authorities, and various prosecutor’s offices.


Who else did "The Ghost" bring into his operation? According to cooperating witnesses, in addition to the Farías brothers, Captain Sol would often invoke "Andy"—the nickname for Andrés Manuel López Beltrán, the former president’s son—as his protector. López Beltrán has defended himself by arguing that the mere mention of a name is not proof of the truth. He may well be right, but the more interesting question is something else.


Why did "The Ghost"—who is said to be quite brilliant—choose to invoke this specific relative of the former president, rather than some other figure from the country’s political elite? One possibility is that the account is actually credible. López Beltrán has a reputation for conducting business under the umbrella of his father’s power. Another detail lends weight to this suspicion: Amil Carolan.


Carolan—at the time a very close friend of López Beltrán—has been implicated by U.S. authorities due to his ties to Portacelis, a company linked to "fiscal *huachicol*" (fuel-related tax fraud). Furthermore, the investigation into Portacelis coincides with the revocation of López Beltrán’s U.S. visa. As the Italian saying goes: *se non è vero, è ben trovato*—even if it isn’t true, it certainly seems plausible.


"The Ghost" couldn’t have gone so far with only the backing of Admiral Ojeda’s nephews. Someone higher up must have assisted him. It remains to be seen whether Captain Sol will dare to reveal who—or what group—helped him tear a massive hole in the country’s public institutions, enabling the extraction of billions of pesos in record time.





Source: ADN Noticias y Azteca Noticias

Sunday, October 18, 2026

Former Chihuahua Prosecutor Arrested for Allowing CIA Officers to Operate in the Region

 "Socalj" for Borderland Beat


In mid April 2026, following an operation to dismantle several large drug labs, two CIA Officers died in rollover car accident along with two Mexican officers. Two additional CIA officers were expelled from Mexico shortly after the incident.

The Attorney General's Office (FGR) accuses the former Chihuahua State Prosecutor César Jáuregui Moreno  of alleged treason for collaborating and allowing the operation with the CIA. Those charges have not been formally made yet.

On Saturday morning, César Jáuregui Moreno was arrested during a police operation at the intersection of La Cantera Avenue and Periférico de la Juventud, in the state of Chihuahua for the Crimes of Abuse of Public Office and Conspiracy.

Mexican Authorities Target the Network of U.S.-Indicted “Carlitos Rugrats”

Mexico’s Security Cabinet announced on October 15 that federal authorities had arrested seven people in Sinaloa whom officials described as linked to a criminal cell responsible for generating violence. Media reports identified four of those arrested as relatives of Carlos Alberto Páez Pereda, a.k.a. “Carlitos Rugrats.”


 

Carlos Páez Pereda, a.k.a. “Carlitos” or “Carlitos Rugrats,” was born on September 27, 1995, and is a high-ranking lieutenant within the Mayito Flaco faction of the Sinaloa Cartel. His armed wing, Los Rugrats, was linked to the January 6, 2025, assassination of Juan Luis Castro Morales, a former commander and chief of sicarios for Los Chapitos, amid the conflict between the two factions.



On July 7, 2026, the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of California indicted Carlitos on charges of narcoterrorism and providing material support to terrorism for his alleged role in trafficking large quantities of fentanyl, cocaine, and methamphetamine into the United States.

 

On October 13, Mexican authorities detained José Luis Ojeda Aguirre, a.k.a. “El Wicho,” in Villa Unión, Mazatlán. According to Mexico’s Defense Ministry, he was a financial and logistical operator for Los Rugrats who worked under Carlitos’ direct orders.

 

Two days later, federal authorities carried out five searches in Los Becos, Laguna Colorada, and Costa Rica, in the municipality of Culiacán. Authorities described the properties as meeting points, operational coordination centers, locations used to shelter members, and logistical support sites for illicit activities. They reported seizing firearms and ammunition, cocaine and other drugs, cash, electronic devices, and several vehicles, including a Razer off-road vehicle and a motorcycle.

 

Two women among the seven detainees were described by authorities as logistical operators. However, the official statement did not identify the criminal cell or name the detainees.

 

The operation also prompted a public confrontation after residents alleged rights violations and theft during the searches. Representatives of Sinaloa’s State Human Rights Commission visited the community to hear residents’ concerns.

 

The operation targeted individuals allegedly connected to Carlitos Rugrats and the cell’s logistical network. However, the available information does not establish that Carlitos himself was arrested or that Los Rugrats has been dismantled. Given the group’s alleged role in drug trafficking, the arrests may disrupt parts of its support network, but the broader operational impact remains unclear.

 

Combined with recent OFAC sanctions targeting the Mayito Flaco faction and the arrest of high-ranking drug trafficker José Ángel Rivera Zazueta, these developments suggest increasing pressure on the faction and its criminal networks. They may also reflect broader U.S. efforts to encourage Mexican authorities to target individuals linked to Mayito Flaco.

 

Sources: aristeguinoticias.com - gob.mx - noroeste 

 

Friday, October 16, 2026

Drug Trafficking, U.S. Banks, and the Economic Reality Under Trump

"Sol Prendido" for Borderland Beat 









Hello everyone. Once again, there is controversy in the relationship between Mexico and the United States regarding security and the fight against drug trafficking. U.S. President Donald Trump has reiterated—even while acknowledging cooperation with the administration of President Claudia Sheinbaum—his claim that cartels govern Mexico and dominate the country. 


It is difficult to walk back Trump’s statements, especially given recent events in several states. Consider what happened in Morelos: while these may be minor incidents, they demonstrate that, unfortunately, organized crime wields excessive power in certain parts of Mexico. At the same time, we cannot claim that there is no authority in Mexico or that cartels control the entire country; doing so would be to obscure the reality. 


We are certainly not denying the existence of insecurity—I am among those who have spoken most frequently about this issue, which is the greatest source of pain for our nation. Furthermore, we cannot overlook the blows dealt to the Jalisco New Generation Cartel—such as the removal of Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, known as "El Mencho"—or the recent captures of other kingpins from both that cartel and factions of the Sinaloa Cartel. 


To suggest that cartels dominate Mexico is to sensationalize the situation, painting a picture of a country living in anarchy. It would be akin to responding to the United States by claiming that, because of the high levels of drug abuse and the many deaths caused by overdoses involving fentanyl-laced narcotics, the entire U.S. population consists of drug addicts. Such a claim would distort reality and diminish the societies of both nations.


Trump’s statements seem to imply that all 120-plus million Mexicans are criminals—that they are all drug traffickers—though this is not about defending any particular government. In my view, the responsibility for the lack of security lies precisely with those who are currently governing us. They answer to us, and they must be held accountable. Trump has doubled down on this, but we are already familiar with his rhetoric. 


Let’s look at the actual news. This week, it was revealed that the U.S. Department of the Treasury imposed a $100 million penalty on one of the major American banks, Bank of America. Why? Because it violated anti-money laundering laws, facilitating—or allowing—transactions that funded, among other things, terrorism and drug trafficking. How long have I been pointing out in my work that the primary problem and driving force behind drug trafficking is money laundering? 


A significant source of the cash dollars flowing to organized crime originates in the United States, moving through banks that permit countless transactions without a rigorous oversight system—a system that the U.S. Congress refuses to implement. Why? Because it serves their interests. Now, a $1.2 billion fine for a bank on the scale of Bank of America is nothing. I have previously mentioned that Mexico’s central bank, Banxico, estimates that the profits generated by remittances—a channel through which vast amounts of drug-trafficking money are laundered—yield at least $1 billion in earnings for financial institutions.


Do the math, and you’ll see. This should have been the biggest news story in the United States. Money is being laundered through Bank of America—but, naturally, they aren’t going to shoot themselves in the foot in a capitalist country. And I’m not talking about ideology—whether you call it capitalism, socialism, communism, or whatever label you choose—I’m talking about a criminal reality that facilitates money laundering. 


That is why I’ve pointed out that claiming everything in Mexico is controlled by cartels is just as false and exaggerated as claiming that everyone in the United States is a drug addict. Politicians talk about this because that’s just how they are; we are well-acquainted with the rhetoric Donald Trump has employed—rhetoric that has persisted halfway through his four-year term—regarding Mexico. Donald Trump has threatened to launch invasions to wipe out the drug trade. 


Today, he reiterated that they know exactly where the drug traffickers are—a claim he has made on several occasions. In the past, he even went so far as to say they know the color of the doors behind which the drug kingpins are hiding. Well, if there is truly cooperation—as he claims—then he should provide that information to the Mexican government so they can take action. If they fail to do so, the corruption would be laid bare. 


And I will repeat this: drug trafficking cannot exist without corruption—within the government, the police, the military, and at every other level. That is a fact. Just as you cannot punish every single bank simply because corruption exists—which is why I brought up the case of Bank of America. The economic situation in the United States is critical. 


Trump and the Republicans—or rather, Trump himself—are desperate to turn the situation to their advantage and salvage their party. From what can be seen, the midterm elections on Tuesday, November 3, could turn into an electoral catastrophe, with the Democrats potentially defeating the Republican Party. We shall see what happens. It is not our place to advocate for anyone; let those in the United States who are eligible to vote choose whomever they wish. 


Ultimately, their votes are driven by the economy—not by foreign policy, and certainly not by drug trafficking. They swallow whatever narrative Trump feeds them: that Mexicans are the villains, while we are the victims. There is no greater lie than that fallacy. Donald Trump—and let this be clear to both politicians and criminals—give us back the Mexico that was stolen from us. 





Source: J. Jesus Esquivel

Thursday, October 15, 2026

Ivan’s Mob Beheads A Los Mayos Member

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 











You won’t see the floor drain at first because of the right-handed assassin that’s busy at work with an oversized machete. Once it does come into view you come to understand why it’s actually there to begin with. 


This isn’t just some random room where the abducted come to be questioned. Neither is that hole in the ground surrounded by tile. Everything you see actually serves a great purpose here. Even if those reasons are evil in nature.


A captive's vital fluids drain into that small space after they’ve been dismembered. The squeegee in one man’s hand and the gallon of water in that of another are nothing more than tools to ensure the job is done efficiently. 





Source: Anonymous 

Wednesday, October 14, 2026

'El Cromo' Arrested in Guadalajara; He Is Linked to a Group Affiliated with the CJNG

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 








Omar García Harfuch announced the arrest of Iván "N," alias "El Cromo," in Guadalajara, Jalisco. According to the Secretary of Security, the suspect has been identified as one of the leaders of "Los Cromos," a criminal group affiliated with the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG).


The official detailed that Iván "N" is subject to two documented arrest warrants for aggravated homicide involving three victims. Additionally, intelligence records indicate a third warrant for the same crime, dating back to 2020.


Link between "Los Cromos" and a case in Juchitán


García Harfuch noted on social media that "Los Cromos" is a criminal organization implicated in investigations regarding the alleged murder of a four-year-old girl in Juchitán, Oaxaca.


A reward of up to two million pesos had been offered for information leading to the capture of "El Cromo," the leader of this cartel.


The arrest follows other apprehensions linked to the investigation


This arrest advances the investigations that previously led—on September 23—to the detention of Miguel Sánchez Altamirano, then-mayor of Juchitán de Zaragoza, and another member of this criminal structure, according to the head of the Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection (SSPC).


Authorities participating in the operation


Personnel from the SSPC, the Secretariat of National Defense (Defensa), the Attorney General's Office (FGR), the National Guard (GN), the National Intelligence Center (CNI), the Financial Intelligence Unit, the Oaxaca Attorney General's Office, and other authorities from Oaxaca and Jalisco participated in this operation. Omar García Harfuch states that Jorge Amílcar Olán can be located


The Secretary emphasized that, under the instructions of President Claudia Sheinbaum, they are maintaining ongoing intelligence, investigative, and coordination efforts to combat the criminal groups generating violence in Oaxaca—particularly in Juchitán de Zaragoza and the Isthmus of Tehuantepec region.







Source: El Siglo de Torreón

Tuesday, October 13, 2026

A Blow to the Caborca Cartel! 'El Cara de Cochi,' Wanted in the U.S. for Fentanyl, Is Captured

"Sol Prendido" for Borderland Beat 








How did one of the most wanted operatives of the Caborca ​​Cartel manage to hide in one of the State of Mexico's most exclusive destinations? In the early hours of October 10, a stealthy deployment of federal forces and state authorities shattered the tranquility of Avándaro. Eight people were captured at the scene, but the priority target was Jesús Darío Murrieta Navarro, known by the alias "Cara de Cochi" (Pig-Face). 


Thanks to military intelligence efforts, authorities managed to locate him hundreds of kilometers from his base of operations, despite an outstanding arrest warrant against him in the state of Sonora. "Cara de Cochi" was no ordinary operative; security reports identify him as a key figure in "La Barredora 247," the violent armed wing of the Caborca ​​Cartel. 


Although recent military reports classify him as a key member, earlier investigations by prosecutors indicate that he once fully led this shock unit. His rise within the Sonoran underworld gained momentum following the 2022 capture of Rafael Caro Quintero. With the founder behind bars, control of the cartel fell to his nephew, Rodrigo Omar Páez Quintero—alias "LR"—who appointed Jesús Darío as his most trusted lieutenant. 


The criminal reach of this cell extended beyond Sonora, crossing the border into the United States. Since July 2019, a federal district court in Arizona has pursued a formal case against him on three serious charges related to a conspiracy to distribute heroin, methamphetamine, and fentanyl. Meanwhile, "LR" was captured in Jalisco in April 2023 and ultimately extradited to U.S. soil in July 2024, where he faces ten criminal charges related to drug trafficking. 


However, the dossier on "Cara de Coche" reveals even more complex alliances. According to commanders from the First Region and the 22nd Military Zone, the detainee also began working for Carlos Alberto Páez Pereda—alias "Carlitos Rugrats"—the leader of the "Rugrats" group, who has been accused of drug trafficking by U.S. authorities. 


His cell operates as the logistical arm of "Los Mayos"—one of the Sinaloa Cartel's most powerful factions—handling the movement of methamphetamine in Sinaloa, Tijuana, and Baja California. This strategic trafficking route connects Culiacán directly to the California border, passing through Sonora, the territory where the Caborca ​​Cartel is waging a bloody war against "Los Chapitos." Do you think this arrest will reduce violence in Sonora or escalate the conflict between rival factions?












Sources: Milenio,  Sonora Noticia

Monday, October 12, 2026

Video Shows CJNG Member Burying Landmine in Apatzingán, Michoacán

By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat


A new video posted by a CJNG member on TikTok shows a sicario burying and preparing a homemade landmine, likely somewhere near Apatzingán, Michoacán.

Sunday, October 11, 2026

Explosives Workshop Raided after Shootout in Balleza, Chihuahua

By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat


Chihuahua state authorities seized improvised explosive devices and machinery used to produce explosives at a property in the municipality of Balleza, Chihuahua, during a raid on Thursday.

The Eccentric Extravagances of “Captain Sol”: 12 Properties, a Penthouse in Tulum, and Casino Spending

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 








‘Capitán Sol’—one of the individuals arrested for alleged involvement in a tax-evasion fuel-trafficking ring—spent over 60 million pesos on real estate, jewelry, and casinos, according to an investigation by the Attorney General’s Office (FGR).


‘Capitán Sol’ paid more than one million pesos via electronic transfer to purchase a penthouse in Tulum, Quintana Roo. 


Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz, aka Captain Sol led a double life. Publicly, he was a retiree from the Navy Secretariat with—by his own account—no additional income. However, the bank records of the man also known as ‘Capitán Sol’ reveal a different story.


An investigation by the Attorney General’s Office (FGR) into the tax-evasion fuel-trafficking ring—allegedly led by the Farías Laguna brothers, nephews of Rafael Ojeda Durán (former Navy Secretary under ex-President Andrés Manuel López Obrador)—reveals that ‘Capitán Sol’ spent over 60 million pesos on real estate, jewelry, and casinos.


Among his most notable purchases was a transaction at a Tiffany & Co. store, where he spent over 400,000 pesos. That was not all; ‘Capitán Sol’ held 11 bank accounts and owned 12 properties.


All these expenditures are part of the case file the FGR presented to Judge Mariana Vieyra Valdez during the hearing where it was determined that ‘Capitán Sol’ would face formal criminal proceedings.


The FGR reported that it secured a preventive detention order for ‘Capitán Sol’.


‘Capitán Sol’ was arrested on October 2 for his alleged involvement in the tax-evasion fuel-trafficking ring in Mexico.


How many properties did ‘Capitán Sol’ own, and where were they located? The FGR identified 12 properties purchased by ‘Capitán Sol,’ located across three states: six in Veracruz, four in Mexico City, and two in Sinaloa. According to the investigation, eight of these properties were acquired between 2013 and 2023.




Data gathered by the FGR indicates that Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz spent 13,125,863 pesos on real estate. Of that amount, more than 10 million pesos were paid upfront or in cash—an indication of possible money laundering.




Based on data gathered by the FGR, Miguel Ángel ‘N’ spent 13,125,863 pesos on real estate. Of that amount, more than 10 million pesos were paid upfront or in cash—an indication of possible money laundering.


List of the 12 properties purchased by ‘Capitán Sol’



Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz purchased four properties located in the southern area of ​​Mexico City, according to the FGR investigation. The properties identified are as follows:


Calzada de la Virgen 207, Culhuacán Section 6 Neighborhood, Federal District, Postal Code 4480.


Calle Algodonales No. 21, Tower B, Apt. 3, Granjas Coapa Neighborhood, Postal Code 14330, Tlalpan, Mexico City.


Tenorios 7, Tower 3B, Granjas Coapa Neighborhood, Postal Code 14330, Tlalpan, Mexico City.


Manuela Sáenz 43-402, Presidentes Ejidales Neighborhood, Postal Code 04480, Coyoacán, Mexico City.


Cuauhtémoc No. 390-3, Bienestar Neighborhood, Sinaloa, Postal Code 9999.


Nav. Los Álamos Housing Complex, Apt. 204 C, Marzo and Periodistas Streets, Álamos I Neighborhood, Ahome, Sinaloa. Calle 20 de Noviembre 2127-1, Colonia Zaragoza, Veracruz, Postal Code 91910.


Laguna Ladoga 16, Col. Punta Tiburón Residencial Marina y Golf, Postal Code 95264, Alvarado, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.


Laguna Tamesi 190, Col. Punta Tiburón Residencial Marina y Golf, Postal Code 95264, Alvarado, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.


Paloma Colorada 6, Col. La Tranca, Postal Code 91166, Xalapa, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.


Laguna Tamesí 220, Col. Punta Tiburón Residencial Marina y Golf, Postal Code 95264, Alvarado, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.


Laguna Tamesi 119, Col. Punta Tiburón Residencial Marina y Golf, Postal Code 95264, Alvarado, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.


The Tulum penthouse: the most striking property owned by ‘Capitán Sol’


In addition to those properties, the FGR (Attorney General's Office) discovered that ‘Capitán Sol’—arrested in early October—paid over one million pesos for a penthouse in Tulum, Quintana Roo, after analyzing transfers made by the former Navy officer.


How did ‘Capitán Sol’ spend over 52 million pesos in casinos?


Between 2015 and 2023, ‘Capitán Sol’ recorded casino expenditures totaling 52,128,239 pesos. The most striking detail is that 99.3 percent of these transactions were made in cash. According to the FGR case file, "Capitán Sol" carried out these transactions at casinos such as Telest, Perisur Yak, and Big Bola Santa Fe.


Mexican authorities state that such operations could indicate money laundering within casinos. The process works as follows: large amounts of illicit cash are deposited to purchase gambling chips, a minimum bet is placed, and a refund is then requested.


"Capitán Sol’s" other expenses: credit cards, travel, and phone lines


In addition to real estate and casino activity, the FGR documented that "Capitán Sol" spent over 6 million pesos on credit cards. Concurrently, he recorded income via cashier's checks totaling more than 5 million pesos between 2020 and 2022, triggering alerts for suspicious transactions.


Furthermore, Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz accumulated thousands of air miles through 30 international trips between 2012 and 2025, along with dozens—perhaps hundreds—of domestic flights within Mexico; the FGR notes that this clearly "exceeds his earnings as a salaried employee."





Sources: El Financiero, Borderland Beat Archives

Friday, October 9, 2026

Veracruz Mafia vs. CJNG: The Fight for Veracruz

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 








Veracruz has become the stage for a constant struggle for territorial control. On one side is the "Veracruz Mafia"—also known as *Grupo Sombra*—which has maintained a presence in the region. On the other is the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, which seeks to expand southeastward and has clashed directly with them. In this video, I explain how this conflict arose and what has been happening in the area. 


To understand how this war began, one must delve into the inner workings and history of this local cartel. It all started in December 2017 in the northern municipalities of Tuxpan and Poza Rica. At the time, they did not present themselves as the "Veracruz Mafia"; instead, they burst onto the public scene under the name *Grupo Sombra* (Shadow Group) Special Forces. 


This organization originated as an armed splinter group that betrayed the Gulf Cartel and adopted the tactical methods formerly used by *Los Zetas*. Their initial goal was to seize control of routes in the northern part of the state, capitalizing on the power vacuum left by major historical cartels. Detailed military intelligence reports identified Francisco Mendiola Cisneros—known in the criminal underworld as *Comandante Miranda*, *El Miranda*, or *El Patrón*—as the supreme leader and founder of this structure. 


Over the years, *Grupo Sombra*'s power grew exponentially. Internal reports from the Secretariat of National Defense revealed that they expanded from operating in just two municipalities in 2017 to controlling territory and maintaining operational cells in over 52 municipalities across Veracruz. This means they have an active presence in nearly a quarter of the entire state. 


Upon consolidating this criminal empire, they decided to change their official name to the "Veracruz Mafia." This rebranding was no coincidence; they did it to instill greater psychological terror in the public, unify all their cells under a single banner, and fortify their borders against the advance of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel. 


As one of the world's wealthiest criminal organizations, the CJNG seeks to expand its monopoly by destroying regional cartels, turning Veracruz into a permanent battleground for control of the Gulf of Mexico. The war between the CJNG and the Veracruz mafia is being waged on two fronts: through armed street attacks and via a bloody propaganda campaign on social media.


The Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) is executing a large-scale, militarized invasion strategy. They dispatch convoys of heavily armed, improvised armored trucks—equipped with .50-caliber Barrett rifles capable of piercing patrol vehicles and body armor—to the area, allowing them to advance rapidly into northern territories. The CJNG has allied with extremely violent local gangs, such as "Los Piñas," establishing camps and leaving a trail of clandestine graves across the state's southern and central rural areas as a means of "disappearing" their rivals. 


For its part, the Veracruz mafia leverages the home-field advantage, possessing intimate knowledge of every road, hideout, and network. Their defensive tactics involve the symbolic display of terror: hanging banners bearing highly aggressive messages, using Molotov cocktails to torch the businesses of those who support their enemies, and filming videos brandishing long guns to sow panic. 


They recently issued a statement warning of a total purge against any CJNG cell attempting to cross into their municipalities, while directly demanding that state security forces not intervene in the conflict—or face the consequences. This dispute has transcended geographical boundaries; clashes have shifted from northern rural roads to the main avenues of key cities like Xalapa (the state capital) and even southern port areas such as Coatzacoalcos. 


One of the most high-profile and shocking incidents in this conflict took place on the state highway connecting Poza Rica and Cazones, near the municipality of Papantla. There, members of the Veracruz mafia intercepted and executed three alleged operatives from the opposing faction, abandoning their remains on the roadway alongside a massive banner bearing direct threats. 


However, what triggered the highest level of alarm among security agencies wasn’t the physical violence, but the sophisticated level of espionage and control the local group demonstrated on the ground. On that banner, the Veracruz mafia wrote a detailed blacklist containing more than 30 license plate numbers, as well as the exact colors, makes, and models of vehicles that—according to their criminal intelligence—the Jalisco New Generation Cartel uses to covertly deploy its operatives.


With this move, the local cartel demonstrated to its rivals that it has eyes and lookouts—known as *halcones*—monitoring gas stations, hotels, restaurants, auto repair shops, and the entry and exit points of every municipality around the clock. The banner served as a criminal checkpoint, making it clear that no suspicious vehicle could travel through northern Veracruz without being detected by their network of informants, thereby proving that the war is fought not just with bullets, but through intelligence and surveillance. 


Fighting a financial behemoth like the Jalisco New Generation Cartel requires a vast number of gunmen; to meet this need, the Veracruz mafia implemented one of its most sinister strategies: forced recruitment via online deception, exploiting the lack of jobs and the economic desperation of families in the region. Criminals post fake advertisements on social media and local job boards, offering positions with high salaries and attractive benefits—such as private security guard, armored car guard, or personal bodyguard roles—with minimal requirements and immediate hiring. 


Yet, when young people or heads of households arrive, hoping to secure honest work to support their families, these appointments turn into ambushes. Armed men trick them, force them into trucks, and strip them of their belongings, cell phones, and identification. They are then transported to clandestine camps hidden on abandoned ranches or in the mountainous areas of the state's north. There, under threats to kill their parents, spouses, or children, they are completely cut off from the outside world and forced to undergo military and heavy-weaponry training. 


Official investigations have revealed that conditions in these camps are brutal. Recruits who refuse to cooperate, attempt to escape, or fail to withstand the grueling physical training are subjected to extreme torture or executed in front of their peers, compelling the rest to obey the cartel's orders out of sheer terror. To grasp the severity of this conflict, one need only look at three recent cases that shook the national agenda due to their brutality. 


The first involved the total subjugation of the transport sector. In municipalities such as Álamo, Mapache, and Poza Rica, the Veracruz mafia launched a campaign of terror against taxi drivers, forcing them to pay steep extortion fees or work as involuntary informants reporting on the movements of the army and the CJNG. Irma Hernández Cruz, a 61-year-old taxi driver and retired teacher, refused to cooperate. She was kidnapped and—under torture—forced to record a video warning her colleagues that they had to pay the mafia’s fee; she was subsequently murdered. 


The impact of this crime was so profound that it prompted the immediate resignation of the municipality's security director. The second case occurred within the prison system, specifically at the Tuxpan penitentiary. The Veracruz mafia’s infiltration was so deep that, in collusion with prison authorities, the criminal group extorted forced payments from the inmates themselves—ranging from 5,000 to 200,000 pesos per month—in exchange for sparing their lives. This situation led to such extreme frustration that it ignited a bloody riot involving cell fires, resulting in the tragic deaths of eight inmates before the government could regain control of the facility. 


The third case was the murder of journalist Roxana Guzmán. After being kidnapped, her body was found weeks later at a ranch in Moloacán that was being used as a criminal operations hub. While investigating the crime, federal forces uncovered an alarming network of complicity: active-duty municipal police officers from Ixhuatlán del Sureste were working directly for the Veracruz mafia, supplying them with government-issued weapons and patrol vehicles, and tipping them off about military operations. This discovery led to the arrest of several police officers and key regional bosses—identified by the government as Delta 1 and Delta 7—as well as the recent capture in Coatzacoalcos of another major operative known as "La Princess," who is linked to the murder of a political coordinator.





Source: MrCreppBoyy

Former Michoacán Official Used AI for Extortion: Here's How They Cloned the Voices of Politicians and Ministers

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 









He is believed to have been heading an extortion ring that used artificial intelligence. It wasn't just an ordinary citizen; it was a former official from Michoacán, along with police officers and family members. They have just been arrested. 


Leopoldo Espejel, how are you? 


Good morning. How are you, Susana? 


Very good morning. 


Indeed, they were arrested as part of the national strategy against extortion—carried out by the State of Mexico Prosecutor's Office and the federal security cabinet. The group included Luis Miranda Contreras—who served as Secretary of Finance under former Michoacán Governor Fausto Vallejo—along with his two children, his wife, and a bodyguard. 


This man had previously faced legal proceedings for embezzlement in 2017 involving 26.8 million pesos. He and his family members would impersonate politicians from various institutions—ranging from the Office of the President and the Supreme Court of Justice to state governors and mayors. 


Their *modus operandi* involved impersonating the voices of public officials to build trust—primarily with other officials, politicians, and businesspeople—by using artificial intelligence to mimic figures such as Lázaro Cárdenas Batel, Olga Sánchez Cordero, and Horacio Duarte, among other political personalities. 


The scheme was uncovered through intelligence-led monitoring. During conversations with victims, the group would obtain confidential data—either from the agencies they oversaw or from other officials—as well as information regarding political or economic operations. They later used this data to impersonate others and extort money from their victims, primarily in cash. 


Authorities identified that, to access victims' information and gain their trust, the group frequently posed as private secretaries; they would contact the victims and offer incentives—such as promotions or candidacies—to lure the people they intended to extort. They were arrested during an operation in the municipality of Metepec, State of Mexico, where authorities seized cell phones, multiple SIM cards, and high-end vehicles. 


The six individuals have already been formally charged with extortion, and investigations are ongoing to unravel the entire corruption network in which this subject was involved. To reiterate, he was a high-ranking public official in Michoacán—specifically the Secretary of Finance under Governor Fausto Vallejo. Vallejo was a member of the PRI, then Morena—well, yes, Morena—and the PRD. 


We also recall the very close relationship between Fausto Vallejo’s son—nicknamed "El Gerber," if I recall correctly—and "La Tuta," the leader of the Knights Templar. La Tuta is now in the United States, having been extradited through cooperation with the Mexican government. Fausto Vallejo’s son even appeared in videos having a very cordial conversation with Cervando Gómez Martínez—though it was later claimed he had been forced to go. 


That is the context of the Fausto Vallejo administration: a direct relationship with the Knights Templar, with the governor's children—or at least Rodrigo Vallejo Mora—implicated in the matter. Now, the Secretary of Finance—who clearly learned the ropes well—has been arrested for engaging in extortion; it is just the tip of the iceberg, Polo. 


Yes, exactly. Sucena is a good example—regarding his political mentor—and the investigation also establishes that at least 19 high-end phones of various types were used to make calls and send messages; records show these phones were used with SIM cards seized at the time of his arrest, and they match the numbers reported by some of the victims. 


So, the investigation will continue to see where it leads. Well, I suppose the cell phones were registered—heavily registered, really—since all citizens were forced to register them. So, if they are registered, then the authorities need to go after the criminals. And if they aren't registered—or if they haven't been deactivated—then we’re being misled by this whole cell phone registration system. We shall see. Alright, thanks.




Source: Grupo Fórmula

Fight at Mazatlán Prison Leaves 10 Dead: A 2-Year-Old Boy Died During a Family Visit

“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat 








A two-year-old boy died following a brawl yesterday at the El Castillo prison in Mazatlán. This clash, which broke out inside the El Castillo Penitentiary Center—located south of Mazatlán—left ten people dead, including the two-year-old boy who was visiting with his family; sixteen inmates were injured.


The incident occurred yesterday morning when gunfire was reported inside the prison, specifically near Module 4, before spreading to other areas of the El Castillo facility. The emergency triggered a major security operation involving Navy personnel—who deployed a helicopter to fly over the area—as well as Army troops, the National Guard’s riot squad, and police officers from various agencies.


Amidst the deployment, ambulances were constantly entering and leaving the prison to transport the injured for medical care. The Secretary of Public Security, Sinuhé Téllez López, ruled out the possibility that armed outsiders had entered the prison. He noted that they are investigating the possibility that the inmates themselves possessed firearms and fired at one another; in fact, two firearms were seized.


It was confirmed that the two-year-old boy was the son of a woman who had gone to visit her husband; she had left the child there while she went to pick up her other child from school. As a preventive measure, visits have been suspended, and the Sinaloa Attorney General's Office is conducting the corresponding investigation, Azucena. 


Where did the weapons come from? That is the question, isn't it? Because this has happened before—at the Badiraguato facility and other prisons—yet the tragedy keeps repeating itself. Hold on a moment, Felicitos. We are going to try speaking with an official again; meanwhile, Yos Trujillo, we continue with you regarding this brawl—or rather, this riot and shootout—that took place at the El Castillo Penitentiary in Mazatlán, Sinaloa. 


Ten people died: nine inmates and a child, barely two years old, who was visiting his mother—since it was a visitation day. How did those weapons get in there? That is the eternal question. How do inmates continue to communicate with the outside world via cell phones and internet access? That is the age-old question. 


And well, this is the first major challenge—among many in Sinaloa—facing interim governor Graciela Domínguez. She isn't answering calls, nor are the secretary or the prosecutor; in short, they are banking on the public forgetting about it. But ten deaths is madness, and there needs to be an explanation as to how those weapons got there. Exactly.


In fact, Public Security Secretary Cinete López stated yesterday, upon leaving the penitentiary, that investigations were underway to determine exactly how the weapons were brought in—specifically, whether prison staff facilitated their entry. For the time being, however, two 9mm weapons have been seized. The incident—or the shootout—reportedly began in Module 4 and spread to Module 5.


It is unclear, Azucena, exactly where this two-year-old boy was located. It was confirmed only that his mother had left him there with his father—it was a visitation day—and the circumstances remain unknown; the child died as a result of the gunfire. Authorities are currently investigating, and there will likely be constant searches—much like those at the Culiacán prison, where weapons continue to be found despite regular inspections.


It is worth noting that no firearms have been detected recently, at least not at the Culiacán facility. Now, however, searches at the Mazatlán prison are set to intensify. Regarding the recent violence, Azucena, there were ten deaths in that specific incident, but the state total reached eighteen. There were various murders outside the prison in Mazatlán as well—a woman and two men killed—plus five here in Culiacán, bringing the total to eighteen. For the third consecutive day, Sinaloa ranks first nationwide for homicides.


There were eight yesterday, seven the day before, and that is how things have been going. Today, the governor has an agenda in Escuinapa—another area where violence has been intense, particularly regarding the murder of women; the state's death toll for women has now surpassed one hundred. She will be inaugurating a "peace initiative" and leading a justice and security roundtable for women in Escuinapa.


Well, I would tell the secretary that he doesn't need to investigate much. And I say this not because you or I are experts, but really—how do the weapons get in? Because of corrupt individuals, because of corruption, because people turn a blind eye, because there is complicity. How else would weapons get in? Why do we try to fool ourselves? It’s very simple. It’s very simple. How do cell phones get in? How do knives and sharp weapons get in? How do firearms get in? Because of corrupt individuals—because they are colluding with criminals, or perhaps because they are being threatened. There are many explanations, but they all point to corruption and impunity, since there is no punishment. I assume the Secretary knows this, right?


So, let’s not be fed a line about how "we’re going to investigate." How did it get in? It’s very simple: when you enter a prison, you get searched from head to toe. I don’t know if women are still required to wear specific clothing—certain skirts or shoes—but they undergo rigorous searches; the same goes for men. So how do these weapons get through?


Come on, really? Let’s stop fooling ourselves and stop trying to read tea leaves. Well, let’s see what they say later on. Thanks for your report. We’ll stay tuned. Have a great day. And it’s not just about watching out for external threats—like those artificial intelligence laws targeting political cartoonists and commentators—we need to watch out for what’s happening *inside*. Who do you think was was heading an extortion ring using artificial intelligence? Not an ordinary citizen, but a former official from Michoacán, along with police officers and family members.




 The Secretary of Public Security, Sinuhé Téllez López





Sources: Grupo Fórmula, Borderland Beat Archives